Chinese Characters as a High-Maintenance Script and the Consequences Thereof

The following is a guest post by Prof. Victor H. Mair of the University of Pennsylvania.

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Anyone who has taken it upon him/herself to become literate in Chinese characters realizes what a tremendous commitment is required to master the thousands of different graphs that are necessary for reading and writing. Great as the initial expenditure of time and energy is, one must continue to practice reading and writing the characters on an almost daily basis if one is to maintain a workable degree of proficiency. Furthermore, since character production is a skill that requires a high level of neuro-muscular coordination, failure to practice them regularly inevitably results in a rapid deterioration of the ability to write with facility.

In the world of the 21st century, however, there are countless distractions that compete with the Chinese script for the attention of its users: TV, movies, computers, cell phones, video games, iPods, sports, music, dance, and so forth. Every minute or hour devoted to such devices and diversions means less time for practicing the demanding script. In addition, many of these competitors directly or indirectly displace or obviate the script itself. For example, the vast majority of Sinitic language inputting for computers is done via pinyin (Romanization), and the same is true for short text messaging on cell phones which is so ubiquitous in East Asia. Countless studies and endless testimonies from individual users have shown that reliance on computers and other electronic devices to produce written character texts dramatically reduces the ability of users of the Chinese script to form the characters accurately and, to a lesser extent, even diminishes a reader’s ability to distinguish characters.

Some of this was pointed out already in Jennifer 8. Lee’s lengthy and well-researched article entitled “Where the PC Is Mightier Than the Pen: In China, Computer Use Erodes Traditional Handwriting, Stirring a Cultural Debate,” which appeared in the Technology News section of the New York Times on February 1, 2001. Here’s an abstract of Ms. Lee’s article, which was illustrated with photographs:

Use of computers for word processing appears to be taking a toll on Chinese speakers’ ability to write characters by hand; many Chinese fear that computer could undermine written language, which has great cultural significance for Chinese people, but others say the point of language is communication and nothing more; erosion of traditional handwriting skills arises from forcing complexities of Chinese language to conform to standard Roman-alphabet keyboard.

William Hannas, an expert on East Asian writing systems, has perceptively and persuasively pointed out that character production and recognition are intimately linked:

Educators speak too facilely of the distinction between character “recognition skills” and the skills needed to produce them by hand, as if the two were completely independent. In fact, there is much experimental and anecdotal evidence to support a connection between the two types of skills. As one’s ability physically to write Chinese characters, stroke by stroke, improves, so it seems does one’s ability to recognize them and distinguish one from the other. Conversely, as writing skills deteriorate from lack of practice, so does recognition. Primitive motor skills seem to play a part in reinforcing memory here as in other areas. {Original note: Kaiho Hiroyuki summarizes the results of experiments that demonstrate that character recognition is affected by users’ ability to draw them and that users’ appraisal of a character’s complexity depends more on stroke count than on the number of lines actually present in the character. “Nihongo no hyôki kôdô no ninchi shinrigakuteki bunseki,” Nihongogaku, 6 (1987), 65-71.}

If this phenomenon were related to handwriting specifically, literacy would have been lost in the West entirely by now, for most Westerners do their “writing” today on keyboards. But the fact is, typing has reinforced Westerners’ “hands on” awareness of the language by virtue of the direct one-to-one correspondence between discrete hand motions and the letters that make up the words. Character coding schemes, as we have seen, have little or no direct physical connection with the structure of the character — certainly none that bears any relationship to the specific motor skills that are exercised in forming characters. Although it seems unlikely, for all of the reasons given above, that nonphonetic coding will emerge as the primary means of processing Chinese characters for a significant part of the character-literate East Asian population, if this were to happen, the technique could lead eventually to a deterioration of users’ ability to deal with the characters generally. In other words, the same machines that were supposed to give the characters a new lease on life may contain the seeds of the characters’ destruction. {Asia’s Orthographic Dilemma (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997), pp. 271-271, 314. 322.}

This is all the more true of phonetic inputting schemes for characters, which — though extremely easy to learn and use — are completely divorced from the shapes of the characters.

The diminution of the ability to produce and recognize characters resulting from electronic interventions has already reached a significant stage. As the number of distractions and displacements increases, which is a virtual certainty considering the rapid pace of invention and the growing impact of such devices, the level of dysfunctionality in character production and recognition is bound to advance from significant to serious.

Such competitors (computers, BlackBerries, and so on) pose far less of a threat to alphabetic scripts than to the characters for the following reasons:

  1. Alphabetic scripts require a far smaller initial investment and a fraction of the effort for maintenance.
  2. Many of the electronic devices mentioned above actually reinforce or improve writing in alphabetical scripts (spell checkers, grammar checkers, and so on [e-mail style, of course, is another matter altogether] — there are no comparable tools for Chinese).
  3. When one forgets how to write a character, one is usually stymied for that particular morpheme, whereas misspelling a word generally presents no obstacle to expression or understanding.

The implications of electronic information processing devices for the Chinese script are only beginning to be felt. As they increase in scope and availability, the adverse effects for character production and recognition will grow exponentially till they reach a genuine crisis.

ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese — just released!

image of the cover of the 'ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese'The University of Hawai`i Press has just released another title in its excellent ABC Chinese Dictionary Series: the ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese, by Axel Schuessler.

Here is the publisher’s blurb:

This is the first genuine etymological dictionary of Old Chinese written in any language. As such, it constitutes a milestone in research on the evolution of the Sinitic language group. Whereas previous studies have emphasized the structure of the Chinese characters, this pathbreaking dictionary places primary emphasis on the sounds and meanings of Sinitic roots. Based on more than three decades of intensive investigation in primary and secondary sources, this completely new dictionary places Old Chinese squarely within the Sino-Tibetan language family (including close consideration of numerous Tiberto-Burman languages), while paying due regard to other language families such as Austroasiatic, Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien), and Kam-Tai.

Designed for use by nonspecialists and specialists alike, the dictionary is highly accessible, being arranged in alphabetical order and possessed of numerous innovative lexicographical features. Each entry offers one or more possible etymologies as well as reconstructed pronunciations and other relevant data. Words that are morphologically related are grouped together into “word families” that attempt to make explicit the derivational or other etymological processes that relate them. The dictionary is preceded by a substantive and significant introduction that outlines the author’s views on the linguistic position of Chinese within Asia and details the phonological and morphological properties, to the degree they are known, of the earliest stages of the Chinese language and its ancestor. This introduction, because it both summarizes and synthesizes earlier work and makes several original contributions, functions as a useful reference work all on its own.

The work is 678 pages long and retails for US$62.
ISBN: 978-0-8248-2975-9

Lonely Planet switches back to Hanyu Pinyin for Mandarin phrasebook

cover of the 6th edition of the Lonely Planet Mandarin phrasebookFor the latest (sixth) edition of its Mandarin phrasebook, Lonely Planet has abandoned its disastrous experiment with its own irregular and downright awful romanization system for Mandarin and switched back to full and exclusive use of Hanyu Pinyin.

No one should even think about buying the fifth edition, which is the one with the weird romanization. Another caveat: The covers for the Pinyin-less fifth edition and the Pinyin-using sixth edition have the exact same illustration; the only difference is in the background color. The fifth edition has a red background, while the sixth (shown here) has a greenish background.

Here’s a more or less random example of the romanization in the fifth edition. The book gives “jèr shìr shér·mer jùn” for what should be written “Zhè shì shénme zhàn?” (“What station is this?”) in Hanyu Pinyin. So in addition to having weird romanization, the fifth edition fails to put a capital letter at the beginning of a sentence and fails to include punctuation at the end. I see this sort of thing a lot and am puzzled by the practice. Capital letters at the beginning of a sentence and punctuation at the end — that’s not too much to ask, is it?

Moreover, sometimes the romanization does not match the Chinese characters! In the example above, for instance, the sentence in Chinese characters should read “这是什么站?” But instead it is written “这是哪个站?”, which would be “Zhè shì nǎge zhàn?” in Hanyu Pinyin. In this case, the two sentences mean basically the same thing. But on the very next page (p. 58) for the question “Do I need to change?” it gives “sēw·yào líng·chyén ma” (Pinyin: Xūyào língqián ma?).

This is a real howler. Somehow those responsible for writing the book managed to mix up two of the meanings of “change” in English. So the phrasebook will have unwary travelers asking not “Do I need to change trains to reach my destination?” but “Do I need coins?” A Chinese person hearing this would probably just answer “no” and ponder how very strange foreigners are to think they might specifically need coins on a train. So woe to the trusting Lonely Planet customer who needs to change trains! Admittedly, foreigners ending up in the wrong part of China as a result of such sloppiness may not have happened too often, since the given romanization is so weird that foreigners could probably not make themselves understood with it and had to point to the Chinese characters. At least the characters manage to give the correct question, Xūyào dǎochē ma? (需要倒车吗?), instead of Xūyào língqián ma? (需要零钱吗?). But that’s hardly enough to make up for such errors.

There are many more errors in the fifth edition. I certainly hope they have been corrected in the sixth; but I didn’t have time the other day in the bookstore to check for sure. If any readers of Pinyin News have a copy of the sixth edition, please let me know; I’d like to check if the Lonely Planet’s hovercraft is still full of eels.

Now that at least the weird romanization has been banished in favor of Hanyu Pinyin (would that Taiwan take that lesson to heart!), it would be good if Lonely Planet could get some other things right, like correcting the misinformation about Mandarin not being a real language but a “dialect.” Some of the word parsing is also incorrect. And the Mandarin-English dictionary should be available in alphabetical order, too, not just stroke order.

Hanyu Pinyin crossword puzzle

The theme of this puzzle is fairly specialized: Taiwan politics. So those not familiar with Taiwan are probably going to find much of this one difficult. But if enough people are interested in other such puzzles on more general themes, please let me know and I’ll create some additional crosswords. Also, please let me know what you think of this one. (Too hard? Too easy? Some questions are too obscure? Interesting? Boring?)

Here are a few guidelines:

  • tones are ignored
  • u is used for both u and ü
  • apostrophes are omitted
  • words can be run together, just as in other crossword puzzles

Have fun!

crossword puzzle in Hanyu Pinyin

Across
4. fight club?
5. one aspect of 12 across
7. KMT
11. min_______, one of the Sanminzhuyi
12. dirty-money politics
13. min _______, one of the Sanminzhuyi
16. Taiwan’s capital prior to Taipei
18. Isla Formosa
19. 1st pers. sing., to Chen Shui-bian
20. pan-green

Down
1. one of 20 across, Minzhu _______
2. start of the guoge
3. Annette _______
6. min_______, one of the Sanminzhuyi
8. “the mainland”
9. _______ Guomindang
10. PFP
14. former ruling nation of Taiwan
15. pan-blue
17. month no. for Taipei mayoral election

This one’s for Gus, who got me started thinking of this.

venerating old four-eyes

traditional image of Cang Jie, depicting him with four eyes

Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou spent part of his final day in office at a ceremony in honor of Cang Jie (Cāng Jié / 倉頡 / 仓颉), the mythical inventor of Chinese characters. According to Ma, this was the first time in history that such a formal ceremony has been held for Cang Jie.

The ceremony was part of a plan to promote the use of traditional Chinese characters (something that doesn’t need promoting in Taiwan itself) and to make Taipei the world’s “capital of traditional Chinese characters.” Perhaps Hong Kong, which is a much larger city, will be disqualified by the World Capital Police for now having too many simplified characters here and there.

Taipei officials also appear to view traditional Chinese characters as a potential tourist draw. (They could be a draw for foreigners wanting to learn Mandarin — if only the government would clarify its rules and make it easier for people to study here.) Officials, however, seem to be thinking more of potential tourists from China, always a good group to keep in mind. Nevertheless, Taipei wants the tourists on its own terms and is prepared to dole out some tough love. The city, according to Ma — who, as someone in the final hours of his time in office, wouldn’t seem to have much authority on this — will “continue to use traditional Chinese characters in the tourism pamphlets and maps that it publishes so that the Chinese tourists will have an opportunity to learn about the characters and appreciate their beauty.”

Doesn’t Taipei think PRC tourists would get more than enough opportunities here in Taiwan to see traditional Chinese characters without making it harder for them to read tourist maps and tourist brochures? After all, even the DPP-run central government, which can hardly be accused of being friendly to China, has allowed government brochures and Web sites in simplified characters.

sources:

China’s script-reform officials remark on ‘Internet language’

A few weeks ago the Guangming Daily asked several authorities their ideas on “Internet language” (wǎngluò yǔyán / 网络语言), the mix of abbreviated English and Pinyin along with slang that characterizes much of what is written on Internet chat services and the like.

Since three of those interviewed — Su Peicheng (Sū Péichéng / 苏培成), president of the PRC-government-sponsored Society for the Modernization of the Chinese Language (Zhōngguó Yǔwén Xiàndàihuà Xuéhuì); Qian Yuzhi (Qián Yùzhǐ / 钱玉趾), a member of the same group as Su; and Feng Zhiwei (Féng Zhìwěi / 冯志伟), a research fellow with the PRC Ministry of Education’s Institute of Applied Linguistics’s computational linguistics department — are in important positions related to script reform in China, their thoughts are worth noting. Not surprisingly, they aren’t particularly supportive of it. Su particularly stresses the need to instruct young people in the “harm” of using Internet language.

The fourth member of the group is Wu Zhiwei (Wǔ Zhìwěi / 武志伟), who works at the CCTV website.

source: Rúhé kàndài “Wǎngluò yǔyán” (如何看待“网络语言”), Guangming Ribao, December 7, 2006

some common character slips

image of '公义广告' with an editor's red pen correcting 义 to 益; the 'correction' is in the originalJoel of Danwei posts on a “public-service announcement” (gongyi guanggao), of sorts, that tells people “Every Chinese person should respect Chinese characters and use Chinese characters properly.” The problem, as the ad puts it, is that “there are a multitude of non-standard uses of Chinese characters in society; mistaken and variant characters are relatively common, harming the elegance and purity of Chinese characters.”

References, especially when written in so-called simplified characters, to the “elegance and purity” of Chinese characters might strike some as lacking in historical perspective if not as downright ironic. Compare, for example, the following:

義 (traditional) and 义 (simplified)

廣 (traditional) and 广 (simplified)

But, that aside, the ad contains an interesting list of 100 instances of commonly miswritten characters. (Whether all of these are really wrong would make a good subject for another post.)

This ad is, as Joel notes, a roundabout way of touting the Xiandai Hanyu cidian (现代汉语词典), which is one of if not the most popular dictionary in China. The fifth edition was issued last year.

Lü Shuxiang (呂叔湘 / 吕叔湘) (1904-1998), the editor in chief of the first edition of this dictionary, was a strong advocate of romanization, as can be seen in his excellent essay Comparing Chinese Characters and a Chinese Spelling Script — an evening conversation on the reform of Chinese characters (漢字和拼音字的 比較 —-漢字改革一 夕談 / 汉字和拼音字的 比较 —-汉字改革一 夕谈). (The English translation of this was made especially for Pinyin Info by Zhang Liqing, one of the associate editors of the ABC Chinese-English Comprehensive Dictionary.)

source: Characters in the public interest, Danwei, December 13, 2006

Simplified characters inside and outside of the People’s Republic of China

The following is a guest post by Professor Victor H. Mair. All of the Chinese characters other than those in the scanned image are my own addition.

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A friend of ours from Taiwan who keeps a sharp eye out for new cancer medicine for my wife recently sent us the announcement of a new drug, and added the following handwritten note at the end:

scanned note of Chinese characters. description follows below

Wǒ xiāngxìn hái huì yǒu
I believe still can there is/are
         
gèng hǎod fāmíng    
more good invention    

“I believe that there will be even better inventions.”

Of the eleven Chinese characters in her note, four were simplified: xìn (亻 rén [“man”] on the left and 文 wén [“civil, writing”] on the right), hái (as on the mainland), huì (as on the mainland), and fā (癶 Kangxi radical 105 [bō] on the top as with the original graph, mainland 开 kāi [“open”] on the bottom]).

Here is the text as it would appear in traditional Chinese characters.

我相信還會有
更好的發明.

The text as it would appear in the PRC’s “simplified” Chinese characters, with the different characters in yellow

我相信还会有
更好的发明.

Note that, of the four simplified characters in this short note, two are nonstandard according to PRC orthography, which has rén (亻 “man”) on the left and yán (言 “speech”) on the right for xìn (信 “trust; letter”), i.e., the graph is unsimplified on the mainland, and a completely different form for fā (發/发 “emit, occur”). One might have expected that these nonstandard simplified forms would have derived from Japanese forms, since Taiwan has had close cultural ties with Japan during the past century. Yet Japanese orthography does not call for the simplification of xìn at all, and the Japanese simplification of fā, while similar to the simplified form in our friend’s note, has the bottommost strokes curving toward the left and right, whereas our friend has them going straight down. Our friend’s xìn is not an ad hoc invention by her, because I have often seen it used in informal writing, and it is fairly easy to understand how someone might want to substitute the four-stroke component wén (文 “writing”) for the seven-stroke component yán (言 “speech”) when thinking of the meaning “letter, missive” for this character. Our friend’s fā, on the other hand, probably is related to the Japanese form, but further simplified so that the effort to curve the last two strokes left and right is eliminated. In addition, the idea of “open, begin” for the bottom component (开 kāi) was undoubtedly in the mind of the person who devised this simplified form, since it comports well with the fundamental meanings of fā.

What is particularly interesting is that our friend is vocally opposed to the simplification of characters, decrying the mainland communist bandits as destroyers of Chinese civilization, yet she herself uses them regularly and casually, and in her own writing! Indeed, she uses more simplified characters in her writing than are called for by the PRC authorities. The same is true of Chinese writers the world over when they let their hair down and do what comes naturally. The simplification of Chinese characters has been going on for more than two thousand years (see, for example, the many simplified forms in the stele inscriptions of the Six Dynasties period and the profusion of simplified characters in the pinghua [“expository tales”] of the Song period).

I should not neglect to observe that there are also numerous unofficial simplified characters in widespread use on the mainland. For example 午 wǔ (“noon” – four strokes) is a common substitute for 舞 wǔ (“dance” – 14 strokes [!]), 江 jiāng (“[Yangtze] river” – six strokes) frequently replaces 疆 jiāng (“border” – nineteen strokes [!!]) in Xinjiang (the name of the Uyghur region in the far west), and so forth.

What does all of this boil down to? In a nutshell, people are not fools. They do not want to waste their lives writing a dozen* or more strokes for a single syllable when they can convey the same amount of information in four or five strokes. I contend that the natural process of simplification – without artificial (e.g., heavy-handed government) intervention – inevitably results in the development of a syllabary or an alphabet. In fact, this is what happened with Japanese hiragana and katakana, as well as with the nüshu (“women’s script”) of southwestern Hunan. Absent strong government controls and/or elitist models, the same would happen with mainstream hanzi (“sinographs”) in China, and we even see a tendency toward greater emphasis on phoneticization and de-emphasis on semanticization in the official writing system of the PRC. For instance, 云 yún is used both for “cloud” and “say” (ironically, the graph for “cloud” on the oracle bones started out with the simple form, and the “rain” radical 雨 was only added about a thousand years later with the seal form of the graph), while fā (“emit, occur”) and fà (“hair”) share the same graph. This is not, of course, to mention the hundreds of so-called “letter words” (zimuci) that are creeping into Chinese dictionaries, nor the thousands of English words that are invading Chinese speech and writing. But that is a matter for another essay.

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*The average number of strokes per character is over a dozen for traditional forms and just under a dozen for the complete set of characters that incorporates the official simplified forms. The main reasons why there is not much difference between the two averages are: 1. the vast numbers of characters overall, 2. the relatively few characters that have been officially simplified.

Victor H. Mair
University of Pennsylvania
December 6, 2006

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see also Mystery of old simplified Chinese characters?, Pinyin News, October 7, 2005