Shanghai students to focus more on Pinyin at first

Some 20 percent fewer characters will have to be learned during a child’s first two years of school in Shanghai, with more attention being devoted to Pinyin. I’d be happier if this were everywhere, including areas where the native language is Mandarin, but this is good news nonetheless.

Shanghai primary school students will be required to learn 20 percent fewer Chinese characters but spend more time on pinyin in their first two school years, the Shanghai Education Commission said yesterday.

The reform is meant to ease the study burden by making language learning less of a chore.

Starting in the spring semester which beings next week, first-year students will be required to recognize 364 Chinese characters compared with the previous 460.

Altogether 205 characters will be canceled in first two school years out of the former 1,000-plus.

“Despite the city’s education reform, studies we’ve performed in the past months still suggested that young pupils were over-burdened with character recognition and writing tasks. And that reduces a child’s interest in learning,” said Qu Jun, the education commission’s vice director.

Most of the characters eliminated from the requirement list were considered complicated. The canceled contents might be left for extracurricular self-study or postponed to be taught later, authorities said.

It wouldn’t be much help if students have to learn those characters during the same years anyway, just outside of school. Postponing the memorizing of them is the only way for this to make any real difference.

But commission officials said that they haven’t worked out any punishments yet for those who violate the rule.

Also, teachers are being required to spend more time on pinyin — a system that translates Chinese characters into the Roman alphabet — during the first two years of school.

The final paragraph above has a serious error. Pinyin is not “a system that translates Chinese characters into the Roman alphabet.” This sort of thinking is behind a lot of the confusion related to the nature of Chinese characters, the sinitic languages, and Pinyin. The distinction is important: Pinyin is for the Mandarin language, not for Chinese characters.

source: Primary students learn less Chinese characters, Shanghai Daily (via Xinhua), February 10, 2006

MRI study: literate vs. illiterate subjects

For those who are interested in such things, here’s a new MRI study related to reading Chinese characters: Cognitive processing in Chinese literate and illiterate subjects: An fMRI study (also available in PDF).

Abstract:

Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and positron emission tomography (PET) were used to map brain activation during language tasks. While previous studies have compared performance between alphabetic literate and illiterate subjects, there have been no such data in Chinese-speaking individuals. In this study, we used fMRI to examine the effects of education on neural activation associated with silent word recognition and silent picture-naming tasks in 24 healthy right-handed Chinese subjects (12 illiterates and 12 literates). There were 30 single Chinese characters in the silent word recognition task and 30 meaningful road-signs in the silent picture-naming task. When we compared literate and illiterate subjects, we observed education-related differences in activation patterns in the left inferior/middle frontal gyrus and both sides of the superior temporal gyrus for the silent word recognition task and in the bilateral inferior/middle frontal gyrus and left limbic cingulated gyrus for the silent picture-naming task. These results indicate that the patterns of neural activation associated with language tasks are strongly influenced by education. Education appears to have enhanced cognitive processing efficiency in language tasks.

(emphasis added)

I have a lot of objections to some of the language in the article, such as describing the subjects as “pictographic-language speakers.” And I wish the article had indicated whether any of the literate subjects were also literate in a language with an alphabetic script. Be that as it may, some may well find this of interest.

source: Human Brain Mapping, vol. 27, issue 2, pp. 144-152

Some say ‘no 3Q’ to Net slang in Chinese test

Internet slang and emoticons were included in the Chinese-language section of this year’s college-entrance exam for Taiwan, to the dismay and confusion of many.

Examples of this in the exam include

  • ::>_< ::
  • 3Q
  • Orz

::>_< :: is supposed to represent crying. (The colons are tears, the underscore is the mouth, and the others are the eyes.)

For "3Q," the three is pronounced san and the Q is pronounced as in English, yielding "san Q," which is meant to represent the English phrase "thank you."

"Orz" is intended to be a pictograph of a person bowing down on the floor, with the O as the head, the vertical line of the r as the arms, and the z as the legs.

This test is crucial to the lives of those seeking to enter post-secondary education. Many students spend years studying for this exam. The nation's parents, stressed-out from worry about how their children will do on this test, will probably go ballistic over this. I'll be surprised if those questions end up being counted toward the final score.

On the other hand, I can't help but think that given how much Classical Chinese is certain to be on the test, a few questions about modern Internet slang might not be inappropriate. After all, the latter is likely to have more relevance to the majority of today's college students and even possibly more a part of modern Mandarin than some parts of literary Sinitic.

sources:

Chinese literacy

I remain amazed by how many people are willing to take China’s official statistics at face value. Yet news story after news story refers to China’s supposed high literacy rate.

If you know any Chinese characters, try to see how many of the following items you can pronounce. (But even if you don’t know any Chinese characters, please keep reading.) The pronunciation needn’t be in Mandarin if you speak another Sinitic language. Moreover, if you aren’t sure how to pronounce some characters but know the meaning of the word nonetheless, give yourself full credit for that item anyway. Characters following a slash are, of course, “simplified” forms.

  1. 一萬 / 一万
  2. 姓名
  3. 糧食 / 粮食
  4. 函數 / 函数
  5. 肆虐
  6. 雕琢
  7. 彳亍
  8. 舛謬 / 舛谬
  9. 耆耄
  10. 饕餮

Scroll down for the answers and more information.

For reference, I have added the frequency of the characters used. Once past the 3,000 or so most frequently used characters, however, figures for frequency of use are difficult to come by and relatively unreliable because these characters are relatively infrequent. Of course, this doesn’t mean these can be ignored completely, because they do still occur and, at present, Chinese orthography doesn’t allow for the insertion of Hanyu Pinyin into a string of characters the way furigana or other non-kanji scripts can be used in Japanese.

If your score fell short of 10, perhaps you’d like to know that the median for PRC university graduates was 6.

Characters Pinyin English % not responding
correctly
frequency of 1st character frequency of 2nd character
一萬 yīwàn ten thousand 19.1 2 209
姓名 xìngmíng full name 22.3 1,025 137
糧食 liángshi grain; cereals; food 23.6 1,086 527
函數 hánshù function (math) 50.9 2,236 229
肆虐 sìnüè ravage; devastate; be rampant 65.8 2,460 c. 3,000
雕琢 diāozhuó cut and polish (jade/etc.); carve; write in an ornate style 62.0 1,919 2,511
彳亍 chìchù walk slowly 98.6 X X
舛謬 chuǎnmiù error; mishap 98.3 X 2,560
耆耄 qímào octogenarian 98.3 X X
饕餮 tāotiè a mythical ferocious animal; fierce and cruel person; a glutton; sb. of insatiable cupidity 99.4 X X

These were used in a test of literacy in the PRC that was part of a 1996 “stratified national probability sample” of some 6,000 adults ages 20-69. Care was taken in the selection of those interviewed, so that “for all practical purposes, we have representative national samples of China’s rural and urban populations,” according to Donald J. Treiman, who gives the results of this study in The Growth and Determinants of Literacy in China. For more on this study, which was a monumental undertaking, see Treiman’s Life Histories and Social Change in Contemporary China: Provisional Codebook. UCLA has made available much of the data for the study.

The selection of words, alas, was not particularly good, especially the choice of so many items from Literary Sinitic (classical Chinese). At least three of the final four words should have been tossed out in favor of more examples within the 2,000 or 3,000 most commonly used characters. Nevertheless, the data can be used to provide hints of the true extent of illiteracy in China.

In 1996 China’s adult literacy rate (15+) was about 85 percent, according to Beijing. (The age range for literacy in China is not always clear. Sometimes it refers to all adults. Sometimes it doesn’t include the elderly, whose rate of illiteracy is much higher than those born more recently. Sometimes it excludes everyone born before the founding of the PRC on October 1, 1949. And sometimes other limits are used.) The threshold for literacy was recognition of 1,500 characters for a rural inhabitant, and 2,000 characters for a “worker or staff member employed by an enterprise or institution or any urban resident.” (One country, two literacy thresholds?) (As most students of Mandarin could note, 1,500 characters isn’t going to provide anything resembling full literacy. Far too many characters in texts will be unknown, and far too little of a native speaker’s vocabulary will be unwritable with just 1,500 characters — in stark contrast to literacy through Pinyin, which would be easier to obtain and far more complete.) Moreover, literates were to be able to “read popular magazines and essays, to keep simple accounts, and to write simple essays.” Yet at the same time some one-fifth of China’s adult population could not recognize even such common and simple words as yiwan as written in extremely common and relatively simple Chinese characters (一万). Moreover, the characters in 姓名 (xìngmíng) and 糧食 (liángshi) are also well within the 1,500 most frequently used characters and should thus be known by all literate Chinese. The cumulative figure for those unable to identify all the characters given within the 1,500 minimum (for rural inhabitants) is 24 percent (see table below). That speaks of a literacy rate no greater than 76 percent, which is considerably less than the 85 percent the government was claiming.

Number of Correct Responses Percentage Cumulative Percentage
0 19.0 19.0
1 3.0 22.0
2 2.0 24.0
3 23.2 47.2
4 12.6 59.8
5 11.7 71.5
6 25.1 96.6
7 2.2 98.8
8 .7 99.5
9 .4 99.9
10 .1 100.0

A couple more factors need to be considered. First, Treiman’s study took roughly equal samples from China’s rural and urban populations (3,087 urban residents and 3,003 rural residents). But in 1996 about 75 percent of China’s population lived in rural areas, where literacy tends to be significantly lower than in the cities:

Relative to those who at age 14 had rural hukou status and resided in a village, those with urban hukou status residing in cities would be expected, on average, to be eight percentile points higher on the literacy scale. That is, the difference between the two extreme residential circumstances for otherwise similar people is the equivalent of about 1.6 years of schooling. (Treiman, p. 9)

Thus, because the relatively literate urban population is overrepresented, the literacy figure needs to be adjusted down from the 76 percent given earlier. (Sorry, I’m not much good at the math of adjusting sampling rates, so I’ll give a rough figure.) So now it’s at, say, 72 percent, which would give an illiteracy rate about twice as high as China was claiming (and which I think still underestimates the difference between “literacy” in the cities and the countryside). But the picture is still more bleak.

Another factor that cannot be overlooked is that real literacy, even by China’s own limited definition, requires the ability to write, not just read. Remembering how to write Chinese characters accurately, however, is much more difficult than the already difficult task of being able to recognize at least 1,500 of them passively. With this in mind, even doubling the illiteracy rate would not be extreme, I believe. This would yield an actual literacy rate below 50 percent.

Although this method leaves much to be desired, I believe its results better represent reality than official figures.

Literacy has been measured in China primarily according to the quantity of characters recognized (known) by an individual, normally 1,500 characters for rural dwellers and 2,000 characters for urban residents and rural leaders. These measures are not verified directly during a national census. Rather, survey teams note educational attainment and check illiteracy-eradication certificates. County level education departments or work units (danwei) are responsible for assessing through surveys or tests the literacy of and awarding literacy certificates to individuals who have not completed the fourth grade of six-year primary school, the third grade of five-year primary school, or an intensive primary school. — China Country Study, n. 5

Thus, the completion of as little as three years of primary school is enough to get someone listed automatically as literate, regardless of their actual literacy. Although that might be good enough to serve as a measure of basic literacy in a language that uses an alphabet, it isn’t when dealing with Chinese characters, which not only take many years to learn but also require a great deal of reinforcement through practice lest the learner lapse back into illiteracy. Other people are listed as being literate based on possession of an illiteracy-eradication certificate. These certificates, however, are awarded by authorities at the county level or at a person’s danwei; inflation of figures at the local or danwei levels, however, is common; the reasons for this can be summed up as “Individuals worry about punishment, officials worry about performance assessment, and enterprises worry about additional charges.”

(For an excellent look at how state planning and the use of statistics tend to become perverted under certain systems, see Dictatorship, State Planning, and Social Theory in the German Democratic Republic, by Peter C. Caldwell of Rice University. No, this doesn’t have anything to do with literacy or China, but many aspects of socialist planning in the former East Germany were the same as in the PRC.)

Before I close this unusually long post, I’d like to return for a moment to the characters in the literacy quiz. Note the approximate number of strokes in the various characters. Having only a few strokes doesn’t necessarily make a Chinese character “easy” to know. 彳and 亍 have but three stokes each, while 糧 and 食 have a total of 27. Yet more than 50 times as many people could identify the latter pair than the former one. The so-called simplification of Chinese characters did not, and could not, make Chinese characters simple to know or use.

A few words on the China Country Study cited above. This uses official (i.e., inflated and otherwise inaccurate) figures from the PRC. But it covers a wide enough range to be quite useful. It also has a very good bibliography of English sources. But all those pages about literacy — this is a long report — and not even a mention of how damn much trouble Chinese characters are. And essentially nothing about pinyin, either. Very strange.

Here’s its table of contents:

  1. Introduction: A Snapshot of Literacy and Illiteracy in China
  2. Literacy and Illiteracy in the Chinese Context: Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Literacy Provision
    • A Chronology of Literacy Policy, Definitions and Practice: 1905-2005
      • 1905-1949: Literacy for Saving, Securing, and Strengthening China
      • 1949-1976: Language Reform, Literacy for Collectivization and Production, and the Unequal Expansion of Schooling
      • 1978-1988: Literacy and the Modernization Decade: “Blocking, Eradicating, and Raising”
      • 1988-2005: Literacy for and Assimilation of the Margins
  3. Minority Nationalities, Languages, and Literacy
  4. Remaining Barriers to Literacy for All
  5. Trends in Literacy and Illiteracy Across Regional and Rural-Urban Divides and Across Gender, Ethnicity, Income, and Disability
    • Literacy and Gender
    • Literacy and national minority populations
    • Literacy and disabled populations
    • A Rough Check on the Taken-for-Granted Mathematics of Chinese Literacy
  6. Conclusion: Future Outlook and Challenges for Literacy in China
  7. Bibliography

If you’d like references other than in the study above, Barend ter Haar has compiled an annotated bibliography on literacy, writing and education in Chinese culture.

And, finally, John DeFrancis has some important things to say on this topic in The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy, especially the chapter “The Successfulness Myth.”

Vietnamese culture appears shallow without Chinese characters, says Chinese writer

The bias many people in China have toward Chinese characters and against romanization is so entirely common that it’s hardly newsworthy. But I should probably bring up examples from time to time, just as a reminder. Here’s one.

The vice president of the Chinese Writers Association, Chen Jiangong (Chén Jiàngōng / 陈建功), recently gave a wide-ranging talk in Guangzhou. He touched on Vietnam’s adoption of the roman alphabet for its writing system:

Wǒ xiǎngqǐ le wǒmen zài shàng ge shìjì sānshí niándài de shíhou, Gùgōng Bówùyuàn de Yè Péijī yuànzhǎng shuō wénhuà ruò wáng zé yǒng wú bǔjiù, zhè shǐ wǒ xiǎngqǐ wǒ céngjīng fǎngwèn Yuènán de shíhou, jiù fāxiàn Yuènán zhèige mínzú guòqù cǎiyòng de shì Hànzì, zài shàng ge shìjì chū de shíhou, yīnwèi yī ge Fǎguó chuánjiàoshì wèile chuánbō tāmen de Jīdūjiào wénmíng, suǒyǐ jiù fāmíng le Lādīngwén de pīnyīn zìmǔ, Yuènánrén kāishǐ zhújiàn bùyòng Hànzì, jiù yòng Lādīng zìmǔ lái pīn Yuènán wén le, wǒ zài Yuènán fāxiàn tāmen de zuòjiā xiě de wénzhāng dōu shì yòng Lādīng zìmǔ lái pīn, zhèyàng jiù xiǎn de Yuènán de wénhuà gēnjī xiǎnde jíqí fúqiǎn le, wǒ jiù xiǎngqǐ le Yè Péijī de zhè jù huà.

Here’s a paraphrased translation:

In the 1930s Ye Peiji, the head of the Imperial Palace Museum, said that if culture is lost it’s gone forever. When I visited Vietnam I learned that the Vietnamese people once used Chinese characters. But because a French missionary invented a romanization method in order to spread Christianity, Vietnamese people gradually began not to use Chinese characters and instead used romanization for their language. In Vietnam, I discovered that their writers’ works all use romanization. Thus, the foundation for Vietnamese culture appears to be extremely superficial. This immediately brought to mind Ye Peiji’s words.

Pretty typical.

source: Zhùmíng zuòji? Chén Jiàng?ng lùn wénxué: Gu?ngzh?u bù shì wénhuà sh?mò (著名作家陈建功论文学:广州不是文化沙漠), Dàyáng W?ng, December 16, 2005

illiteracy in Taiwan

Below is the gist of a story on illiteracy in Taiwan. The illiteracy rate is given as 2.84 percent; I believe this masks greater problems with literacy. Note how literacy is never defined. The closest anyone gets is an official with the Ministry of Education who says that “functional illiteracy” is relative.

Farmers in the countryside who can’t use a computer or read “English” (i.e. Roman) letters wouldn’t have that judged against them, but someone in a metropolitan area who couldn’t use an automated ticket-purchase system or make a withdrawl from a bank [via an ATM?] could be considered illiterate:

Gōngnéngxìng wénmáng de dìngyì yīn gèrén shēnghuó huánjìng ér yì, xiāngxia nóngfū bù huì diànnǎo, bù huì Yīngwén zìmǔ kěnéng bù suàn gōngnéngxìng wénmáng, dànshì dūshì rén bù huì yòng diànnǎo mǎi piào, cún tíkuǎn kěnéng jiù suànshì wénmáng.

I’ve tried before to get an answer from the ministry on just how literacy is defined; no one I spoke with knew. Now that the subject has come up again, I’ll give it another try.

Anyway, here’s the story, in my own summary:

As of the end of 2004, Taiwan’s illiteracy rate for people 15 years and older was 2.84 percent, according to an official with the Ministry of Education. The overwhelming majority of those who are illiterate are elderly, the official added.

The official said a new group of the illiterate is emerging: foreign spouses of local citizens. They are not included in the literacy statistics, however, unless and until they obtain Taiwan citizenship.

The ministry will put more emphasis on organizing adult education programs for illiterate foreign spouses through cooperation with city and county governments and non-profit foundations, according to the official.

The ministry also gave some historical figures:

year illiteracy rate
1989 7.11%
1991 6.42%
2004 2.84%

sources:

candidate numbers and literacy

As I mentioned in the previous entry of Pinyin News, it’s election season in Taiwan. That means the streets are lined with political banners and roving trucks have been blaring candidates’ pleas for votes. This culminated last night in an orgy of loud campaign rallies. Today all is silent, as campaigning is not allowed on election day itself.

One of the rituals marking a milestone in the campaign season is the drawing of lots to determine the order in which candidates’ names are listed on the ballot. Candidates draw the numbers themselves at local election bureaus. Sometimes they even dress in costume for the occasion.

These numbers, however, are given a prominence that reveals their significance is far greater than just determining name order. Indeed, even if just one person is running for an office, by law (article 38 of the Enforcement Rules of Public Service Election And Recall Law) that candidate is still assigned a number (1, of course). The numbers go alongside candidates’ names on the ballots and appear prominently on essentially all campaign material, whether that be in the form of a banner, a poster, a flyer, or a package of tissue (a popular choice here). The numbers are almost always printed in red against a white background that is itself circled in red. These two campaign banners demonstrate the style:

Including the numbers is not mandated by law, but they’re always there (except in the few cases where someone overlooked writing in the number on individual signs printed before the drawing of lots). Furthermore, this style of writing the numbers is not required, but it’s seldom altered. Sometimes the color is altered to match the color scheme of the banner. But I’ve never seen a number in a square, a triangle, or a diamond — always a circle. And I’ve never seen the numbers written in Chinese characters (一, 二, 三, 四, 五, 六, 七, 八, 九,十, etc., or the more formal forms 壹, 貳, 叄, 肆, 伍, 陸, 柒, 捌, 玖, 拾, etc.) rather than 1, 2, 3, etc.

Here’s what the Public Officials Election and Recall Law states about what information appears on ballots:

The ballot shall bear the serial numbers [i.e., the numbers I’ve been discussing], names and photographs of all candidates. However, in an election of central public officials, the ballots shall also bear the candidates’ party affiliation from which the candidates were recommended (article 60 ).

So the numbers also appear on the ballots themselves, which is, of course, the whole reason for them appearing in campaign literature. Note that ballots for local-level elections omit mention of political parties. Thus, not only the photo of the candidate but also the candidate’s number is regarded as more important than party affiliation.

I think the attention given to numbers should prompt questions on the true state of literacy in Taiwan.

I asked an official at the Central Election Commission about why party affiliation was left off. But neither he nor anyone else in his office at that time knew the explanation. And when I asked about the prominence of numbers, the official admitted that literacy did play a role in this.

For what it’s worth, party affiliation on ballots for national-level posts is indicated by the printed name of the party, not with a party logo. A change to logos is being discussed for the next legislative election.

There’s a lot more to be said about this topic. Perhaps I’ll come back to it later.

The UN says:

In countries with high rates of illiteracy, election management bodies should design ballots that include party emblems or photographs of candidates in order to facilitate voting. If there are minority languages in a country, it is good practice to print ballots and voter education material in all the languages commonly used.

In Afghanistan, where literacy is low, ballots have not only the names of candidates but also their photos and an assigned icon. Here’s a small sampling of these icons:
Here’s the full list to be used on ballots in Afghan elections.)

What’s the situation in other developed countries?

A story in the Miami Herald from 2004 states that in Florida
http://www.libertypost.org/cgi-bin/readart.cgi?ArtNum=54875
“using numbers has a long history here [in Miami-Dade County, Florida], where illiteracy is not uncommon.”

“Miami, FL, Jun. 23,[ 2004] (UPI) — Miami-Dade County, Fla., is suing the state for refusing to allow placing numbers next to ballot questions and candidates to help illiterate voters…. Miami-Dade County Commissioners say the numbers next to candidates’ names and ballot proposals help the illiterate because it makes it easier for them to identify the candidate they want by number.”
http://washingtontimes.com/upi-breaking/20040623-115105-2336r.htm

Taipei Times story of candidate using other people’s photos (without permission or attribution) on his campaign lit:
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2005/11/30/2003282303/print

Also talk about arty b&w images of Mayor Ma on people’s posters.

Further reading:

Fujian gov’t proposes rules against local languages, certain uses of Pinyin

The government of China’s Fujian Province is calling for official suppression of the use of languages other than Mandarin, though Mandarin is not native to that region, and for Chinese characters to be seen as more important than Pinyin and foreign languages.

The scope of this is about as broad as I’ve ever seen. The basics are roughly these:

  • Thou shalt not write in Sinitic languages other than Mandarin and in other than officially standard characters.
  • Thou shalt not even speak thy mother tongue, if it be not Mandarin, at work in the broadly defined public sphere other than in a few limited contexts.
  • Thou shalt have no other script lest thou also employ Chinese characters, which must be made larger than all others.

Wǒ shěng lìfǎ guīfàn yǔyán wénzì, xiāngguān bànfǎ cǎo’àn tíjiāo shěng Rén-Dà chángwěihuì shěnyì

《Fújiàn shěng shíshī 《Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó tōngyòng yǔyán wénzì fǎ》 bànfǎ》 (cǎo’àn) zuórì tíjiāo shěng 10 jiè Rén-Dà chángwěihuì dì 20 cì huìyì shěnyì. Zhè bù dìfāngxìng fǎguī (cǎo’àn) míngquè guīdìng, guójiā jīguān gōngzuò rényuán zài bàngōng, huìyì, miànduì shèhuì gōngkāi jiǎnghuà děng gōngwù huódòng shí yīngdāng shǐyòng Pǔtōnghuà.

Bànfǎ (cǎo’àn) lièchū le tuīguǎng Pǔtōnghuà hé tuīxíng guīfàn Hànzì de 4 dà zhòngdiǎn lǐngyù:
(yī) guójiā jīguān gōngwù yòngyǔ yòngzì;
(èr) jiàoyù jīgòu de jiàoyù jiàoxué yòngyǔ yòngzì;
(sān) dàzhòng méitǐ, Hànyǔ wén chūbǎnwù, xìnxī jìshù chǎnpǐn de yòngyǔ yòngzì;
(sì) gōnggòng fúwù hángyè, gōnggòng chǎngsuǒ de yòngyǔ yòngzì.

Bànfǎ (cǎo’àn) guīdìng, xuéxiào jí qítā jiàoyù jīgòu yǐ Pǔtōnghuà wèi jīběn de jiàoyù jiàoxué yòngyǔ. Guǎngbō diàntái, diànshìtái de bōyīn, zhǔchí hé cǎifǎng, yǐng-shì, Hànyǔ wén yīnxiàng diànzǐ chūbǎnwù yīngdāng shǐyòng Pǔtōnghuà. Shāngyè, jīnróng, lǚyóu, wénhuà, tǐyù, yīliáo wèishēng, tiělù, mínháng, chéngshì jiāotōng, yóuzhèng, diànxìn, bǎoxiǎn děng gōnggòng fúwù hángyè, yǐjí gèlèi huìyì, zhǎnlǎn, dàxíng huódòng de fāyánrén, jiěshuōyuán yīngdāng yǐ Pǔtōnghuà wèi jīběn gōngzuò yòngyǔ. Tóngshí guīdìng, zài zhíxíng gōngwù shí yùdào wúfǎ yòng Pǔtōnghuà jìnxíng jiāoliú de duìxiàng shí, jīng pīzhǔn shǐyòng fāngyán bōyīn de shěng nèi guǎngbō, diànshìtái de yǒuguān jiémù yòngyǔ, kěyǐ bù shǐyòng Pǔtōnghuà. Duì Xiāng Gǎng, Àomén, Táiwān tóngbāo yǐjí Qiáobāo de liánluò hé jiēdài, yǔ Xiāng Gǎng, Àomén tèbié xíngzhèngqū hé Táiwān dìqū jīngjì, wénhuà, jiàoyù, kējì, tǐyù, wèishēng děng lǐngyù de jiāoliú huódòng, gēnjù xūyào kě[yǐ] shǐyòng xiāngguān fāngyán. Dìfang xìqǔ, fāngyán gēqǔ děng shǔyú mínzú mínjiān chuántǒng wénhuà bǎohù de huódòng yǐjí fāngyán yánjiū kě[yǐ] shǐyòng fāngyán.

Zài guīfàn yòngzì fāngmiàn, bànfǎ (cǎo’àn) guīdìng, guójiā jīguān de gōngwù yòngzì, yǐng-shì píngmù yòngzì, gōnggòng fúwù hángyè yòngzì, Hànyǔ wén chūbǎnwù, dìmíng, jiànzhùwù biāozhì děng yòngzì yīngdāng shǐyòng guīfàn Hànzì. Rénmíng yòngzì yīngdāng fúhé guójiā Hànzì rénmíng guīfàn hé gōng’ān jīguān yǒuguān guīdìng.

Zài gōnggòng chǎngsuǒ de yòngzì bùdé dāndú shǐyòng wàiguó wénzì huò Hànyǔ Pīnyīn. Xūyào pèihé shǐyòng wàiguó wénzì huò Hànyǔ Pīnyīn de, yīngdāng cǎiyòng yǐ guīfàn Hànzì wéizhǔ, wàiguó wénzì huò Hànyǔ Pīnyīn wèi fǔ de xíngshì, guīfàn Hànzì de zìtǐ yīng dàyú wàiguó wénzì huò Hànyǔ Pīnyīn; wàiguó wénzì jí yìwén huò Hànyǔ Pīnyīn yào zuòdào guīfàn hé biāozhǔn.

我省立法规范语言文字,相关办法草案提交省人大常委会审议

本报福州讯 (记者 田家鹏)《福建省实施《中华人民共和国通用语言文字法》办法》(草案)昨日提交省十届人大常委会第二十次会议审议。这部地方性法规(草案)明确规定,国家机关工作人员在办公、会议、面对社会公开讲话等公务活动时应当使用普通话。

办法(草案)列出了推广普通话和推行规范汉字的四大重点领域:
(一)国家机关公务用语用字;
(二)教育机构的教育教学用语用字;
(三)大众媒体、汉语文出版物、信息技术产品的用语用字;
(四)公共服务行业、公共场所的用语用字。

办法(草案)规定,学校及其他教育机构以普通话为基本的教育教学用语。广播电台、电视台的播音、主持和采访,影视,汉语文音像电子出版物应当使用普通话。商业、金融、旅游、文化、体育、医疗卫生、铁路、民航、城市交通、邮政、电信、保险等公共服务行业,以及各类会议、展览、大型活动的发言人、解说员应当以普通话为基本工作用语。同时规定,在执行公务时遇到无法用普通话进行交流的对象时,经批准使用方言播音的省内广播、电视台的有关节目用语,可以不使用普通话。对香港、澳门、台湾同胞以及侨胞的联络和接待,与香港、澳门特别行政区和台湾地区经济、文化、教育、科技、体育、卫生等领域的交流活动,根据需要可使用相关方言。地方戏曲、方言歌曲等属于民族民间传统文化保护的活动以及方言研究可使用方言。

在规范用字方面,办法(草案)规定,国家机关的公务用字、影视屏幕用字、公共服务行业用字、汉语文出版物、地名、建筑物标志等用字应当使用规范汉字。人名用字应当符合国家汉字人名规范和公安机关有关规定。

在公共场所的用字不得单独使用外国文字或汉语拼音。需要配合使用外国文字或汉语拼音的,应当采用以规范汉字为主、外国文字或汉语拼音为辅的形式,规范汉字的字体应大于外国文字或汉语拼音;外国文字及译文或汉语拼音要做到规范和标准。

source: Gōngwùyuán bàngōng kāihuì yàoshuō Pǔtōnghuà (公务员办公开会要说普通话), Xiàmén Rìbào, November 16, 2005. I first spotted this at What’s On Xiamen.