bad signage plagues China

It’s not just Taiwan that has problems with this.

代表怒斥路牌门牌混乱
2005年01月16日03:01 重庆晨报

人大代表就路牌、门牌规范问题,对市民政局等启动问询案

  昨日下午,针对主城区地名指示牌、街道路牌、居民楼门牌等地名标志的规范、制作、安装、管理等方面存在的诸多问题,渝中区代表团10余名市人大代表对市民政局等启动了问询案。

  问询一荩荩“五大混乱”何时解决?

  鲁磊代表首先怒斥了主城区路牌、门牌管理存在的“五大混乱”:

  一、路牌规格大小不一;二、地名牌的地名排列方式不一致,制作粗糙,缺乏美感;三、地名牌汉语拼音、注音不规范,英文标示语法错误时有发生,贻笑大方;四、路牌指向不明,不少还存在指向错误,给市民特别是外地客人出行带来不便;五、门牌、路牌缺乏管理,很多地名因城市建设早已不存在了,但门牌竟然还存在。问询二荩荩路牌管理商业化行不行?

  在问询中,市民政局提出通过商业化模式规范路牌管理,通过和广告公司合作,在路牌上标示道路的同时,还可刊登商业广告,而广告费用则可用于路牌的制作、管理和维护。

  这一方案当即遭到了彭应吉等多名人大代表反对,彭代表说,路牌讲究简洁、一目了然,做商业广告后,不仅影响美观,还会给群众识记带来不便,“而且,现在主城的户外广告过多、过滥。”

  彭代表强调说,路牌作为公益性事业,制作、管理的费用理应由政府买单。问询三荩荩门牌费该不该市民承担?

  代表们还对居民门牌制作费由市民承担的规定提出质疑。“小小一块门牌,体现了有关部门是否真正做到了群众利益无小事。”代表们说,一块门牌制作成本不过几块钱,政府完全可以承担。

  对于代表们的询问,在场各有关政府部门代表均一一做了纪录,表示一定给代表们一个满意的答复。

  代表们建议,对凡没有名称的路、街、巷、住宅进行命名,对名实不符或寓意不佳的地名予以更名,对道路改建后名称不合适的予以调整;由公安部门统一编制门牌,调整跳号、缺号和编排不规范的门号,无门牌号的予以编制;无街巷牌、门牌的,要予以设置;统一规范街巷牌、门牌,路幅在10米以上的街巷设立立柱式街巷牌,路幅在10米以下的街巷设立壁挂式街巷牌;各街巷的起止点及其与主干道交汇处必须设立街巷牌,较长的街巷设街巷牌,保证平均每500米设有一块街巷牌

some of the damage of China’s language policies

from the Guardian Weekly

Forced to learn a language of failure

As China’s planners roll out a bilingual education policy across their vast country, the damage it is doing in remote minority-language-speaking communities is being overlooked, says Anwei Feng

Friday February 11, 2005

In its long history of minority education, China has engaged its 50 or so minority groups in bilingual education with an officially proclaimed aim to produce bilinguals with a strong competence in Putonghua (standard Chinese) and their home languages. The stated outcome of this policy is for minority groups to be able to communicate with, and ideally assimilate into, mainstream society.

The concept of bilingualism has, therefore, a long association with minority groups and bilingual education for these groups has undergone its course of trials, disasters and hopes reflecting the political realities of the country. To the Han majority, which comprises about 92% of the total population, bilingualism has remained a remote notion and it has hardly, if ever, appeared in their education literature.

But over the past few years this has changed drastically. Bilingualism is now widely seen by the Han majority as a useful tool for improving foreign language skills, particularly English, and for developing a workforce that combines specialised knowledge with foreign language skills.

Across the country, particularly in major cities such as Shanghai and Beijing and the special economic zones, a school system is rapidly being developed in which English as well as standard Chinese are used as the languages of instruction. From kindergartens to tertiary institutions, bilingual education has become part of the everyday vocabulary not only of educationists but also ordinary people. Catalytic factors, such as China’s firm belief in its “open-door” policy, membership of the World Trade Organisation in 2001 and the successful bid for the 2008 Olympic Games, have played a key role in promoting English and Chinese bilingualism, which looks certain to reshape China’s education system as a whole. In what looks like a natural response to the English and Chinese bilingual movement, some educators have come up with the notion of trilingualism for minority groups.This is defined as the development of talents in mastering three languages (sanyu jiantong). To these educators, as long as there is the need, learning a third language (in this case a foreign language that is not in widespread use in minority regions) should be as simple as the sum: two (minority home language and standard Chinese) plus one (a foreign language) equals three (sanyu jiantong).
Trilingualism is by no means an unusual phenomenon and proves a useful concept in some countries in Europe, Africa and Asia. However, for any trilingual programme to be effective, it is important to examine the specific context and the implications for linguistic minority children and to create necessary conditions for its implementation. That process of examination and debate does not appear to be taking place in the literature on minority education in China.

Recent reports from minority areas reveal several hidden issues that need addressing. The first is the transition children go through from early schooling in their mother tongue to learning subjects in standard Chinese later in their school careers. This transition is often reported as being unsmooth, with some children dropping out of school.

A second issue is that a large percentage of minority pupils, many of whom live in remote areas, rarely or never have a chance to study a foreign language in primary or even secondary schools, usually because of lack of resources. Elsewhere in China, learning a foreign language starts at primary school and sometimes even earlier.

And where minority students do get access to foreign language teaching they have an additional hurdle to face. In most cases, the EFL textbooks they use are standardised nationwide. These textbooks carry explanations or translations in standard Chinese. This increases considerably the difficulty of learning the foreign language because the “intermediary language” they rely on is in fact a language of which they are not native speakers. Many of them have to mentally retranslate it into their mother tongue in the learning process.

These difficulties are compounded by other factors: a shortage of qualified standard Chinese and EFL teachers; the unfavourable economic conditions that keep minority children out of classrooms to help parents in busy seasons; the struggle of those pupils with two new languages, and thus two new cultures (the Han majority culture and a distant foreign culture); and inappropriate management and policies in minority education.

As many minority children find it difficult to follow the school curriculum it becomes harder for them to gain the grades necessary to get into tertiary education. They therefore rely on the government’s “favour policies” for university places. (Regional or provincial governments seek to ensure that quotas of minority students are enrolled into tertiary institutions, often by lowering the pass level in the nationwide entrance examinations.) Once in university, these students are placed in an exam system that includes compulsory English language testing and they perform less well than their majority counterparts. Many of them have to re-sit these exams repeatedly for certification.

This in turn affects their self-esteem, confidence and overall performance. It is often reported that some minority students consider themselves inferior to others (ziren buru) and undervalue their own cultures and languages. Some take great pains to hide their ethnic identities by not wearing their ethnic clothes and by changing their accents.

Loss of sense of worth and identity as observed by many educators is contrary to the aim of bilingual education. At the heart of minority education are the notions of equity, self-confidence and empowerment that help to develop in all students a secure sense of identity and self-esteem so as to enable them to participate competently in the education process. The outcome of minority education should be academically and personally empowered individuals who acquire control over their own lives and immediate environment and who can transform from a superior-inferior mentality to collaborative relationships where their identities are affirmed.

If these aims for minority education are to be achieved in trilingual education in China, the challenges being faced by minority students need to be debated from different perspectives with a view to the unique contexts of minority groups in the country.

However, the absence of discussions about the impact of the majority concept of bilingualism (expressed in the “two plus one equals three” formula) on minority groups may well be a product of the prevailing assimilation mentality. This portrays minority languages and cultures as primitive, inferior and thus dispensable. An open discussions of these issues will help shed light on the theory of trilingualism and the assimilation mentality. It will also allow stakeholders to develop minority education programmes that empower minority children.

rough survey on Wu in Shanghai

from Xinhua:

Survey shows locals still prefer their own dialect 11/2/2005 9:12

A recent survey has found residents in China’s largest city, Shanghai, prefer speaking their own dialect even though most speak fluent mandarin (putonghua).
Compared with people from other parts of China, Shanghaiers speak more often in their local dialect at home, office, supermarkets and doctor’s consulting rooms, according to the national survey on the popularity of mandarin, conducted by the State Language Commission of China.
Mandarin, known in China as “putonghua” or “common tongue,” was made the standard pronunciation of Chinese language more than 50 years ago.
The survey found only 35 percent of Shanghaiers speak mandarin in the office, while the national average use of mandarin at workplaces is 42 percent. About 12 percent of Shanghai’s residents speak mandarin at home, opposed to 18 percent nationwide.
Results of the survey have surprised many Chinese linguists because Shanghai has long been considered a “melting pot” and about 35 percent of its population have moved in Shanghai from other parts of the country.
“Drivers and conductors on Shanghai buses all speak the local dialect, though posters are seen everywhere reminding the residents to speak mandarin,” said He Xin, a public servant who’s been in Shanghai for seven years. “You’d be an outsider if you speak mandarin among a group of local Shanghaiers.”
But he said Shanghaiers are generally friendly and don’t discriminate against people from other parts of China.
In fact, some local newspapers have started to discuss how the Shanghaiers should make sure their future generation still speak their “mother tongue” now that schools have been told to teach mandarin only.
The unique Shanghai dialect is very different from mandarin and many other Chinese dialects. It was for a time a symbol of Shanghaiers’ localism and superiority over people from the rest of the country.

Kafkaesque

Sick.

Man arrested for carving Chinese characters on girlfriend

Wednesday, February 2, 2005 at 16:19 JST
BEIJING — Authorities in northeast China have arrested a man who carved more than 100 defamatory Chinese characters on his girlfriend’s body after she tried to break up with him, local media reported Wednesday.

Authorities in Baishan City, Jilin Province, arrested the 52-year-old man on suspicion of “seriously injuring his girlfriend” by etching words into her skin, the English-language Shanghai Daily reported. “He allegedly dipped a sewing machine needle in ink and carved out defamatory phrases, consisting of more than 100 Chinese characters, over her body,” it said. (Kyodo News)

Qoo — characters and “English”

The suit had been brought by Shanghai Yaqing Industry and Trade Co Ltd, which claimed consumers would confuse its Kuhai trademark with Coke’s Qoo brand.

Shanghai Yaqing said it registered the Kuhai trademark for beverage products in November 2000 and received approval from the State Trademark Administration a year later.

When the trademark was being inspected by the administration, Yaqing experimented with Kuhai juice-based beverages and asked clients for advice.

In early 2002 when the company planned to launch Kuhai beverages, it found that a similar product – Coke’s Qoo juice – was already on the market.

“The Chinese characters in the Qoo trademark mean ‘a cute boy,’ which is very similar to the meaning of Kuhai,” said Hong Shuben, the plaintiff’s attorney.

“Coca-Cola violated Yaqing’s trademark because it didn’t register the Qoo trademark, and consumers will become confused.”

Coca-Cola argued that Qoo’s Chinese characters are used along with an English word and a cartoon character; drawing a clear distinction between the competing products.

In addition, the Qoo beverage has been widely accepted by consumers while Yaqing never put the Kuhai trademark into use.

The court ruled that the pronunciation and graphic font of Qoo’s Chinese characters are different from Kuhai’s, and because Kuhai hasn’t been used, consumers can’t become confused. Qoo’s cartoon character also helps keep the two trademarks distinctive, the court ruled.

source

writing Nanjing dialect forms — anecdotes

老南京土话是“shao”,不是“sao”
2005年01月15日11:24 南京报业网

  【金陵晚报报道】本报探源南京土话的讨论继续进行中。一句简简单单、批评别人做事不规矩的“五二歹鬼”,就引出了十五六种写法,使人不得不感叹南京话的独特魅力。昨天,本报再度开通热线84636578,商讨南京话中,形容人话多、嗦的“sao”应该怎么写。没料到,市民讨论“sao”的热情更胜过 “五二歹鬼”!“sao”字许多人基本上天天都讲,可究竟怎么写,却难倒了不少人,也弄出了不少让人哭笑不得的麻烦。市民陈先生有写日记的习惯,每天都会把一天发生的种种琐事记录下来。可是每遇到“sao”字,陈先生就犯了难,只能用拼音代替。陈先生说,有时候翻翻自己的日记本,那个用拼音代替的“sao”字,就像害了牙病的人口中的蛀牙一般扎眼。后来,陈先生索性自己造了一个汉字,左边口字旁,右边是一个“绍”字,聊以代替这个“sao”字。某中学的赵同学对不知“sao”写成哪个字造成的麻烦也深有体会,平时在MSN、QQ上聊天或者给朋友发短信,遇到了要写“sao”字时,赵同学只好用别的字临时替代,可随便选个字,还真闹出过笑话:“有一次,我给一个朋友发短信,说她真嗦,写成了‘你真骚’,引起了朋友很大的误会!”“sao”是南京人常用的口头语,可是不知道是哪个字,这个问题其实早就引起了老南京们的注意,许多人对此还颇有研究。昨天下午,很多老南京一打进电话,就纠正了对“sao”的一个误读。家住城南门西地区的王桂珍女士、家住集庆门的张友清、家住升州路的吴先生等十几位老南京说,其实“sao”应该读成“shao”,而且还带个儿化音。“早些年,老南京都是这么说的,只不过发展到后来,年轻人偷懒,说话图快,又不喜欢说卷舌音,就念成了sao音。”市民顾守淮的看法则颇带有学术味道,他说, shao是江淮方言里的发音,后来南京话把它吸收过来了。之所以念成shao,主要是其意为人说话多,“饶舌”,而“饶舌”又可以说成“舌饶”,汉语拼音是(sherao),南京人讲习惯了,就把两个音合成一个音,成了“shao”。为了证明自己所说是正确的,顾守淮还举了个例子。早晚的发音是(zaowan),但在南京的方言里,为了省事,发音也演变成,南京人经常会问,“(早晚)zan天气怎样啊。”也是这个道理。那只是一种发音的省略,并不对应什么具体的字。这种现象,犹如北方话中的甭,其实是“不用”(buyong)两个字的连读一样。更多的市民则在电话中就“sao”应该写成哪个字提出了自己的看法。市民戴江群、孙文等人认为,该字应该写成“韶”,具体哪个字虽然有争议,但“韶”字最有可能。市民李志清认为应该写成“绍”,家住虎踞路的王珍珠则认为该写成“嗖”。王珍珠女士的解释颇有意思:“一般来说,都是女人话多,姑嫂、媳妇之类的人最‘sao’了,所以我想‘sao’的右半边该是 ‘嫂子’的‘嫂’的右半边,旁边是口字旁,代表是说话!”老南京们众说纷纭,“sao”究竟怎么写,还没有定论,本报今天下午3点以后继续开通热线 84636578,欢迎您来发表对“sao”的写法和来源的看法。 金陵晚报记者 于峰 实习生 杨阳

  特别提醒

  歇后语稍后推出本报这几日关于南京土话和南京歇后语的讨论征集活动异常火爆。每天下午三点开始,两部热线电话84636577、84636578就响个不停,一直到晚上。短短三天,光是歇后语,老南京们就给记者提供了数百条。由于版面有限、记者精力有限,因此本报决定先集中力量进行南京土语的讨论,老南京歇后语征集稍后进行。届时,本报将再度开通热线,敬请读者关注本报,谢谢!编者(编辑 五木)

Happy 100th birthday, Zhou Youguang!

Zhou Youguang is one of the main people behind the development of Hanyu Pinyin.

周有光 今天100岁(组图)
2005年01月14日04:00 人民网-人民日报
周有光 今天100岁(组图)
周有光和陪伴了他十多年的“小电脑”。

  本报记者 施芳摄

  本报记者 施芳

  1月13日,属蛇的周有光整整100岁了。

  11日下午,我如约叩开北京后拐棒胡同一处朴素的寓所时,先生正安静地坐在 一张老式的、略显斑驳的书桌前,脸上露出如孩童般明净的笑容。

  “我身体还好,就是耳背,你说话的时候大点声,说慢点。”先生一边说一边戴 上了助听器。

  我们的谈话就这样开始了,我几乎是趴在他耳朵上说的,然而交流并不困难, 他思路敏捷,每每说出一些颇有见地的话,让我这个年轻人自叹弗如。

  50岁,从经济学到语言学

  谈话从先生改行说起。1955年10月,时任复旦大学经济学教授的周有光到北京 参加全国文字会议,为期一个月的会议结束后,组织上通知他到中国文字改革委员 会工作。

  这真是一件出乎意料的事,他连连说:“我业余搞文字研究,是外行。”委员会 主任吴玉章回答说“这是一项新的工作,大家都是外行。”消息传出,朋友们纷纷相 劝:“经济学多重要啊,语言学可是小儿科。”“哪里需要哪里去”———凭着一份朴素 的热情,在50岁的时候,周有光乐呵呵地扔下经济学,半路出家一头扎进语言学中。

  从此中国少了一位经济学家,多了一位著作等身的语言学家。在美国国会图书 馆里,如今既藏有经济学家周有光的著作,又有作为语言文字学家周有光的著作。

  说来难以置信,身为语言文字学家,周有光却没有接受过一天专业教育。他在 读大学时,上海正兴起拉丁化新文字运动。周有光觉得好玩,就写了一篇题为《关 于语法问题》的文章,投给《语文》杂志,没想到不久后就刊登出来了。此后他便孜 孜不倦地致力于汉语拼音化的研究,成为享誉中外的语言学家。

  83岁,“换笔”用电脑

  书桌旁,摆放着用花布包裹着的一样东西。先生指着说:“喏,写文章全靠它 了。”小心地打开包裹,里面是一台陈旧的WL—1000C中西文文字处理机。那是1988 年4月,先生83岁时日本夏普公司送来的礼物。从此,先生便用它写文章、写信。

  高龄“换笔”之后,先生开始关注汉字在计算机中的输入输出问题。在他看来, 汉语拼音输入法,不用编码,就可以输出汉字,值得大力推广。“改进电脑输入方 法,效率可以提高5倍,这是件大事。”

  98岁,倡导“基础华文”运动

  周老的重孙周安迪在美国读小学六年级,会说汉语,却几乎不会书写。于是, 在98岁高龄的时候,先生倡导发起了“基础华文”运动。在《提倡“基础华文”缘起》一 文中,先生言辞切切地写道:全世界华侨估计有5000万以上,能否使华文简易一 些,方便他们用较少的时间,得到较多的华夏文化享受?可以设计一种简易的华 文,作为进入华夏文化宝库的第一个台阶。

  “开阔的世界眼光和深邃的历史眼光”———这是后学者对先生的评价。当世界各 地出现了“汉语热”时,一些人推断21世纪将是汉语的世纪,先生保持了相当的冷 静:“汉语的国际地位,应当作恰如其分的正确估计。汉语的国际性最弱,这是很 多中国人不愿意承认的,但是,不承认并不能改变事实。要想改变事实,只有改变 汉语本身,提高汉语的规范化水平。”

  临走时,先生拿了与他相濡以沫70年、于2002年先他而去的老伴张允和的遗作 《最后的闺秀》送给我。那天是1月11日,离先生的百岁生日还有两天。

  周有光,著名语言文字学家。1923年—1927年就读于上海圣约翰大学和光华大 学,解放前曾任上海复旦大学经济研究所教授,从事金融研究。他同时对语言学产 生兴趣,利用业余时间潜心研究汉语拼音,1952年出版了《中国拼音文字研究》。 1955年到北京中国文字改革委员会参加拟定拼音方案,该方案1958年正式公布。出 版《汉字改革概论》、《比较文字学初探》等20多种书籍。

No to pre-school Pinyin?

哈市教育行政部门幼儿教育相关负责人在接受采访时表示,杜绝幼儿园“小学化”必须禁止幼儿园教授小学课程,年底之前取消学前班,幼儿园不允许教孩子拼音、识字和百以内加减法。幼儿园应主要培养幼儿良好的学习习惯和语言表达能力及想像力。