And the language used for the PRC side is …

Mark Liberman of Language Log has just added another to the series of Victor H. Mair’s guest posts on English in China. This one features an interesting news photo from the ceremony for the signing of an agreement between China and Cambodia.

photo of banner for a signing ceremony between Cambodia and China, with the text for China given in English, not Mandarin; click for larger image

And I wonder what language the agreement is in.

As Mair, who is also an occasional contributer to Pinyin Info, wrote in his initial post:

Judging from all that I have seen and heard during the last couple of years, however, it is apparent that the role of English in China will continue to grow at an exponential rate. The implications of this massive expansion of English in China will inevitably have a corresponding impact upon local language usage. In fact, the profound effects of the current surge in English usage upon Mandarin and other Chinese languages is already obvious in many respects.

sources:

only 33% of Chinese small businesses use computers: study

Only 33 percent of small businesses (1-99 employees) in China have a computer, according to a recent study by Access Markets International.

China’s low rate of PC penetration among small businesses, however, is higher than that of some other highly populous countries in Asia, namely the Philippines at 24 percent, India at 22 percent, and Indonesia at 18 percent.

About 40% of the non-PC SBs in India, over a third in China, and about a quarter each in Indonesia and the Philippines have expressed their intent to buy PCs in the next 12 months….

Most of the non-PC SBs in these four countries are small — with 1-9 employees each. The bulk of SBs in these countries belongs to the wholesale and retail vertical sector. The exception is China, where more than 50% of non-PC SBs are in the manufacturing vertical.

What hinders them from buying PCs? The primary hurdle is the belief that PCs are not relevant to their line of business. About 30% of non-PC SBs in India and 14% in China told AMI that they just have not thought about buying PCs. A significant portion of SBs believe that a simple fax and phone is enough for their business. Lack of knowledge about the installation and operation of PCs is also a powerful deterrence.

source: Huge untapped market for non-PC SBs opening up, AMI Partners, November 13, 2006

via Most Small Chinese Businesses Don’t Use Computers, China Tech News, November 20, 2006

make romanizations, not war

closeup of the romanization discussed in this postWhile a lot of things might be unusual about this old print of a Japanese soldier having sex with or simply raping a Western soldier, what particularly startled me is the use of romanization. Given that much of the text in the full image (note: definitely not safe for work) isn’t accompanied by romanization, it appears the intent is to help indicate which lines are being said by the Westerner. (But I can’t read Japanese, so I don’t know for sure.)

Has anyone noticed this practice — the romanization, y’all — in other Japanese prints?

Commenters on Eros Blog (again, not safe for work) translate the text and place the cartoon from the time of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–05.

Taiwan’s MPS2 romanization system is not the same as Yale

Taiwan does not now nor has it ever officially used the Yale romanization system. But that hasn’t stopped the relatively common belief that the Yale romanization system for Mandarin can be found on some official signage here.

What most people take as Yale is in fact MPS2, a Taiwan-devised romanization system that dates from the mid 1980s. MPS2 was developed Taiwan in a vain attempt to counter the growing popularity around the world of Hanyu Pinyin. In other words, it was basically the Tongyong Pinyin of the 1980s, though its supporters (there must have been some) never embraced it with the same level of nationalistic fervor as Tongyong Pinyin has received from some quarters. Little wonder, then, that most people — including many who really should know better — don’t seem to have noticed that MPS2 even exits, much less that a great deal of the island’s signage remains in this system.

To some degree the confusion of MPS2 for Yale is understandable, given that the two systems have many points in common on which they differ with Hanyu Pinyin. Here are some examples.

-au rather than -ao

MPS II and Yale Hanyu
au ao
bau bao
chau chao
dau dao
gau gao
hau hao

-ung rather than -ong

MPS II and Yale Hanyu
chung chong
dung dong
gung gong
hung hong

chr, jr, r, shr

MPS II and Yale Hanyu
chr chi
jr zhi
r ri
shr shi

ts- instead of c-

MPS II and Yale Hanyu
tsai cai
tsan can
tsau cao
tseng ceng
tsou cou
tsu cu
tsung cong
tsz ci

And neither uses Hanyu Pinyin’s abbreviated vowel forms (such as -ui for -uei, -iu for -iou, and -un for -uen). But here we can begin to see some of the differences between MPS2 and Yale.

MPS II Yale Hanyu
chuei chwei chui
duei dwei dui
tzuei dzwei zui

Yale often uses w as a medial where other systems would use u.

MPS II Yale Hanyu
shuei shwei shui
suan swan suan
guang gwang guang

Yale often uses y as a medial where other systems would use i

MPS II Yale Hanyu
jia jya jia
niau nyau niao
chiung chyung qiong

This sign, in Banqiao, would read Shrjyan in Yale, not Shrjian, which is MPS2.
street sign reading 'SHR JIAN RD'

To review all of the similarities and differences among these and other systems, see my comparison chart of romanization systems.

To close, here are some more signs in MPS2. What in Hanyu Pinyin is written zhong is jung in both MPS2 and Yale. What in Hanyu Pinyin is xiao, however, is written differently in MPS2 and Yale: shiau and syau, respectively.

photo of street signs in Jilong. One sign reads 'JUNG 1 RD', the other 'SHIAU 1 RD'
This photo was taken in Jilong.

Guangzhou subway to switch from Pinyin to English-Pinyin mix

Guangzhou’s Metro will be reportedly be changing from Hanyu Pinyin to a mix of English and Pinyin in the naming of its stations. Thus, for example, “Guangzhou Huochezhan” will become “Guangzhou Train Station” (or something like that) and Tiyu Xilu will become Tiyu West Road.

If the official website of the Guangzhou Metro is anything to go by, the Pinyin presently used there is terrible. The official website is infected with the Pinyin-crippling diseases of InTerCaPiTaLiZaTion and FailUreToSePaRateWords. 体育西路, for example, is given not as Tǐyù Xīlù but as TiYuXiLu. Horrible! And, of course, there are some typos too, which make matters even worse, such as TiYuZhongZin for what should be Tǐyù Zhōngxīn.

The last time I was in Guangzhou the subway didn’t exist, so I haven’t seen this signage for myself. Can anyone supply photos of station signage in Guangzhou? I’d also appreciate receiving photos of official Pinyin signage from elsewhere in China. (Photos can be sent to the address on my contact info page.)

And, of course, there’s no word on supplying what ought to be a basic: additional signage in romanized Cantonese.

I have written the authorities there seeking details about the conversion but have not received a reply.

source and resources:

typo of the day

Ain’t it the truth.

sign in Guangzhou Province with 'ticketing hell' rather than 'ticketing hall'

Jìzhě zuórì (5 rì) qiánwǎng Dōngguǎn shìqū mǒu qìchē zǒngzhàn bànshì, zài zhàn qián guǎngchǎng xià le gōngjiāochē biàn xúnzhǎo shòupiàotīng wèizhi. Zǒuláng shàng xuángguà zhe yīkuài jùdà de zhǐshì pái, zhǐmíng chángtú shòupiàotīng de wèizhi, dàn Hànzì xiàmian pèishàng de Yīngwén ràngrén dàchī-yījīng, hèrán xiě zhe: Ticketing Hell (Zhōngwén zhíyì wéi “shòupiào dìyù”). Yuánlái shì dàtīng de Yīngwén “Hall” bèi wùxiě wéi “Hell” (dìyù).

Zhè kuài zhǐshì pái de bèimiàn xiě zhe bùtóng de nèiróng, Zhōngwén shì “xíngrén tōngdào”, Yīngwén xiězuò “Pedestrain chenneling”. Zhuānyè rénshì gàosu jìzhě, “chenneling” bùzhī hé yì, shì zìjǐ shēngzào de cíhuì, kěnéng shì xiǎng xiě “channeling” ér chūxiàn le pīnxiě cuòwù, dàn “channeling” shì “gōuqú” de yìsi, “tōngdào” yībān xiězuò “channels”.

Zài guǎngchǎng de lìngyī cè, gōngjiāo zhàn de zhǐshì pái shàng bùzài xiě Yīngwén, érshì gǎiyòng Pīnyīn, dànshì xiězuò “gongjiaozan”, “zhàn” zì de pīnyīn yěshì cuòwù de.

Yǒu chéngkè gàosu jìzhě, zhèxiē zhǐshì pái yǐjing guà le hǎojǐ nián le, yīzhí méiyǒu huàn xiàlái. Rúguǒ wàibīn kànjian, bùzhī zuò hé gǎnxiǎng.

source: Yīngwén pīnxiě cuòwù: yīzìzhīchā shòupiàotīng biàn “dìyù” (英文拼写错误 一字之差售票厅变“地狱”), Guǎngzhōu Rìbào, November 4, 2006

online books from the University of California Press

[Note: links revised July 2009.]

The University of California Press has made the full text of hundreds of its books available online. That’s right: hundreds.

Among these many books, twenty-four 29 are classified as pertaining to Asian studies, thirty-five 49 to Asian history, six to Asian literature, and five 10 to language and linguistics. (There is some overlap.)

Among these books is Passions of the Tongue: Language Devotion in Tamil India, 1891-1970, by Sumathi Ramaswamy, which has the following intriguing description:

Why would love for their language lead several men in southern India to burn themselves alive in its name? Passions of the Tongue analyzes the discourses of love, labor, and life that transformed Tamil into an object of such passionate attachment, producing in the process one of modern India’s most intense movements for linguistic revival and separatism. Sumathi Ramaswamy suggests that these discourses cannot be contained within a singular metanarrative of linguistic nationalism and instead proposes a new analytic, “language devotion.” She uses this concept to track the many ways in which Tamil was imagined by its speakers and connects these multiple imaginings to their experience of colonial and post-colonial modernity. Focusing in particular on the transformation of the language into a goddess, mother, and maiden, Ramaswamy explores the pious, filial, and erotic aspects of Tamil devotion. She considers why, as its speakers sought political and social empowerment, metaphors of motherhood eventually came to dominate representations of the language.