some of the damage of China’s language policies

from the Guardian Weekly

Forced to learn a language of failure

As China’s planners roll out a bilingual education policy across their vast country, the damage it is doing in remote minority-language-speaking communities is being overlooked, says Anwei Feng

Friday February 11, 2005

In its long history of minority education, China has engaged its 50 or so minority groups in bilingual education with an officially proclaimed aim to produce bilinguals with a strong competence in Putonghua (standard Chinese) and their home languages. The stated outcome of this policy is for minority groups to be able to communicate with, and ideally assimilate into, mainstream society.

The concept of bilingualism has, therefore, a long association with minority groups and bilingual education for these groups has undergone its course of trials, disasters and hopes reflecting the political realities of the country. To the Han majority, which comprises about 92% of the total population, bilingualism has remained a remote notion and it has hardly, if ever, appeared in their education literature.

But over the past few years this has changed drastically. Bilingualism is now widely seen by the Han majority as a useful tool for improving foreign language skills, particularly English, and for developing a workforce that combines specialised knowledge with foreign language skills.

Across the country, particularly in major cities such as Shanghai and Beijing and the special economic zones, a school system is rapidly being developed in which English as well as standard Chinese are used as the languages of instruction. From kindergartens to tertiary institutions, bilingual education has become part of the everyday vocabulary not only of educationists but also ordinary people. Catalytic factors, such as China’s firm belief in its “open-door” policy, membership of the World Trade Organisation in 2001 and the successful bid for the 2008 Olympic Games, have played a key role in promoting English and Chinese bilingualism, which looks certain to reshape China’s education system as a whole. In what looks like a natural response to the English and Chinese bilingual movement, some educators have come up with the notion of trilingualism for minority groups.This is defined as the development of talents in mastering three languages (sanyu jiantong). To these educators, as long as there is the need, learning a third language (in this case a foreign language that is not in widespread use in minority regions) should be as simple as the sum: two (minority home language and standard Chinese) plus one (a foreign language) equals three (sanyu jiantong).
Trilingualism is by no means an unusual phenomenon and proves a useful concept in some countries in Europe, Africa and Asia. However, for any trilingual programme to be effective, it is important to examine the specific context and the implications for linguistic minority children and to create necessary conditions for its implementation. That process of examination and debate does not appear to be taking place in the literature on minority education in China.

Recent reports from minority areas reveal several hidden issues that need addressing. The first is the transition children go through from early schooling in their mother tongue to learning subjects in standard Chinese later in their school careers. This transition is often reported as being unsmooth, with some children dropping out of school.

A second issue is that a large percentage of minority pupils, many of whom live in remote areas, rarely or never have a chance to study a foreign language in primary or even secondary schools, usually because of lack of resources. Elsewhere in China, learning a foreign language starts at primary school and sometimes even earlier.

And where minority students do get access to foreign language teaching they have an additional hurdle to face. In most cases, the EFL textbooks they use are standardised nationwide. These textbooks carry explanations or translations in standard Chinese. This increases considerably the difficulty of learning the foreign language because the “intermediary language” they rely on is in fact a language of which they are not native speakers. Many of them have to mentally retranslate it into their mother tongue in the learning process.

These difficulties are compounded by other factors: a shortage of qualified standard Chinese and EFL teachers; the unfavourable economic conditions that keep minority children out of classrooms to help parents in busy seasons; the struggle of those pupils with two new languages, and thus two new cultures (the Han majority culture and a distant foreign culture); and inappropriate management and policies in minority education.

As many minority children find it difficult to follow the school curriculum it becomes harder for them to gain the grades necessary to get into tertiary education. They therefore rely on the government’s “favour policies” for university places. (Regional or provincial governments seek to ensure that quotas of minority students are enrolled into tertiary institutions, often by lowering the pass level in the nationwide entrance examinations.) Once in university, these students are placed in an exam system that includes compulsory English language testing and they perform less well than their majority counterparts. Many of them have to re-sit these exams repeatedly for certification.

This in turn affects their self-esteem, confidence and overall performance. It is often reported that some minority students consider themselves inferior to others (ziren buru) and undervalue their own cultures and languages. Some take great pains to hide their ethnic identities by not wearing their ethnic clothes and by changing their accents.

Loss of sense of worth and identity as observed by many educators is contrary to the aim of bilingual education. At the heart of minority education are the notions of equity, self-confidence and empowerment that help to develop in all students a secure sense of identity and self-esteem so as to enable them to participate competently in the education process. The outcome of minority education should be academically and personally empowered individuals who acquire control over their own lives and immediate environment and who can transform from a superior-inferior mentality to collaborative relationships where their identities are affirmed.

If these aims for minority education are to be achieved in trilingual education in China, the challenges being faced by minority students need to be debated from different perspectives with a view to the unique contexts of minority groups in the country.

However, the absence of discussions about the impact of the majority concept of bilingualism (expressed in the “two plus one equals three” formula) on minority groups may well be a product of the prevailing assimilation mentality. This portrays minority languages and cultures as primitive, inferior and thus dispensable. An open discussions of these issues will help shed light on the theory of trilingualism and the assimilation mentality. It will also allow stakeholders to develop minority education programmes that empower minority children.

rough survey on Wu in Shanghai

from Xinhua:

Survey shows locals still prefer their own dialect 11/2/2005 9:12

A recent survey has found residents in China’s largest city, Shanghai, prefer speaking their own dialect even though most speak fluent mandarin (putonghua).
Compared with people from other parts of China, Shanghaiers speak more often in their local dialect at home, office, supermarkets and doctor’s consulting rooms, according to the national survey on the popularity of mandarin, conducted by the State Language Commission of China.
Mandarin, known in China as “putonghua” or “common tongue,” was made the standard pronunciation of Chinese language more than 50 years ago.
The survey found only 35 percent of Shanghaiers speak mandarin in the office, while the national average use of mandarin at workplaces is 42 percent. About 12 percent of Shanghai’s residents speak mandarin at home, opposed to 18 percent nationwide.
Results of the survey have surprised many Chinese linguists because Shanghai has long been considered a “melting pot” and about 35 percent of its population have moved in Shanghai from other parts of the country.
“Drivers and conductors on Shanghai buses all speak the local dialect, though posters are seen everywhere reminding the residents to speak mandarin,” said He Xin, a public servant who’s been in Shanghai for seven years. “You’d be an outsider if you speak mandarin among a group of local Shanghaiers.”
But he said Shanghaiers are generally friendly and don’t discriminate against people from other parts of China.
In fact, some local newspapers have started to discuss how the Shanghaiers should make sure their future generation still speak their “mother tongue” now that schools have been told to teach mandarin only.
The unique Shanghai dialect is very different from mandarin and many other Chinese dialects. It was for a time a symbol of Shanghaiers’ localism and superiority over people from the rest of the country.

Transit signs, maps going multilingual in Singapore

If anyone in Singapore notices this, I’d love to receive some photos of this new signage.

SINGAPORE (dpa) – Signs and maps at subway stations are going multilingual in Singapore to help the elderly and others who might not read English, transport officials said Monday.

Work is expected to be completed by the end of this year on signboards and maps in Chinese and Tamil, according to the Land Transport Authority (LTA).

Station names in Malay are similar to English ones. “We are progressively changing the signs at all the stations,” The Straits Times quoted an LTA spokesman as saying.

The cost is S$600,000 Singapore dollars (US$368,000).

Twenty-five per cent of the 8,000 key signs at mass transit stations have been made bilingual so far.

Previously, only a handful of stations in the city had signs in more than one language.

Commuters who could not read English complained that they found it difficult to navigate the train system because the underground lines have no landmarks for orientation.

Singapore’s predominantly Chinese population includes 15 per cent Malays and 6 per cent Indians.

keigo

Panel proposes guidelines to halt misuse of honorific Japanese

Thursday, February 3, 2005 at 08:07 JST
TOKYO — A government panel on the Japanese language proposed Wednesday setting up the nation’s first guidelines on the use of the honorific and polite form of speech [“keigo“] to counter its widespread misuse….

The panel also calls for revaluating Chinese characters designated for common use, known as “joyo kanji,” to reflect current use of Chinese characters on computers.

The current joyo kanji table, which specifies 1,945 common Chinese characters, has not been updated since 1981. The panel notes that the table did not foresee the widespread use of computers.

The panel also suggested the need for conducting research on the public’s ability to write and read Chinese characters, and how frequently certain ones are used for the names of people and places.

An Agency for Cultural Affairs official said it is necessary to study some characters that are often used but not included in the table. (Kyodo News)

And their point is…? With computers, people are increasingly unable to write characters by hand.

Kafkaesque

Sick.

Man arrested for carving Chinese characters on girlfriend

Wednesday, February 2, 2005 at 16:19 JST
BEIJING — Authorities in northeast China have arrested a man who carved more than 100 defamatory Chinese characters on his girlfriend’s body after she tried to break up with him, local media reported Wednesday.

Authorities in Baishan City, Jilin Province, arrested the 52-year-old man on suspicion of “seriously injuring his girlfriend” by etching words into her skin, the English-language Shanghai Daily reported. “He allegedly dipped a sewing machine needle in ink and carved out defamatory phrases, consisting of more than 100 Chinese characters, over her body,” it said. (Kyodo News)

Qoo — characters and “English”

The suit had been brought by Shanghai Yaqing Industry and Trade Co Ltd, which claimed consumers would confuse its Kuhai trademark with Coke’s Qoo brand.

Shanghai Yaqing said it registered the Kuhai trademark for beverage products in November 2000 and received approval from the State Trademark Administration a year later.

When the trademark was being inspected by the administration, Yaqing experimented with Kuhai juice-based beverages and asked clients for advice.

In early 2002 when the company planned to launch Kuhai beverages, it found that a similar product – Coke’s Qoo juice – was already on the market.

“The Chinese characters in the Qoo trademark mean ‘a cute boy,’ which is very similar to the meaning of Kuhai,” said Hong Shuben, the plaintiff’s attorney.

“Coca-Cola violated Yaqing’s trademark because it didn’t register the Qoo trademark, and consumers will become confused.”

Coca-Cola argued that Qoo’s Chinese characters are used along with an English word and a cartoon character; drawing a clear distinction between the competing products.

In addition, the Qoo beverage has been widely accepted by consumers while Yaqing never put the Kuhai trademark into use.

The court ruled that the pronunciation and graphic font of Qoo’s Chinese characters are different from Kuhai’s, and because Kuhai hasn’t been used, consumers can’t become confused. Qoo’s cartoon character also helps keep the two trademarks distinctive, the court ruled.

source

sign

A sign of change at Gwanghwamun?

The Cultural Heritage Administration is at the center of controversy after announcing plans to take down a sign penned by former President Park Chung-hee located at Gwanghwamun, the southern gate of Gyeongbok Palace in Seoul.

The administration plans on hanging in its place a sign written in hanja (Chinese characters) compiled from the handwriting of King Jeongjo (1752-1800), the 22nd king of the Joseon Dynasty.

Its head Yoo Hong-jun announced three days ago that it was taking measures to remove the “Gwanghwamun” sign in Park’s handwriting as part of palace restoration projects.

“The current sign does not match with the characteristics of Gyeongbok Palace and compared to the original hanja sign, it is written backwards so we have decided to change it,” said an official at the cultural properties administration, which oversees the restoration and preservation of the nation’s cultural properties. In contrast to modern Korean, signs composed in hanja were traditionally written from right to left or top to bottom.

The administration is drawing fire from conservatives over its decision to replace the marker at Gwanghwamun, considered by many as the spiritual center of the capital. Conservatives are abuzz with suspicions that the decision has political motivations behind it. The Chosun Ilbo, a conservative daily newspaper, featured an article on its front page yesterday claiming that Yoo had likened President Roh Moo-hyun to the reform-minded King Jeongjo.

While giving a tour of Changdeok Palace to the president last October, Yoo was said to have remarked to Roh that he shared three characteristics with the late Joseon Dynasty ruler: upholding reform as his motto, unsuccessfully attempting to move the capital and seeking out the advice of young scholars.

Yoo responded to the newspaper’s allegations, saying, “It’s true that I compared the president to King Jeongjo. But that is not the reason why we are trying to change the Gwanghwamun sign, nor are there any political reasons behind it.”

The administration plans to make the switch on August 15, to mark the 60th anniversary of Liberation Day. The decision must first be approved by a separate cultural heritage board. A sign by Park has already been taken down at Hwaryeongjeon, a palace housing a shrine to Jeongjo in Suwon, Gyeonggi Province.

King Jeongjo did not reside in Gyeongbok Palace but lived at Gyeonghui Palace and later moved to Changdeok Palace, where he established Gyujeonggak, a royal library, in 1776, the first year of his reign. He also built Hwaseong Fortress in honor of his father, crown prince Sa-do Sae-ja.

The current wooden sign hanging at Gwanghwamun is written in Korean characters and was made in 1969. The three hanja characters in Gwanghwamun form the meaning, “Bestowing the great virtues of a king upon the nation and its people.” The original sign was said to have been written by nobleman painter Jeong Hak-kyo (1832-1914).

Placed at the center of a gate’s beam near the roof, signs or “hyeonpan” were typically written by important individuals to denote certain characteristics of a building. Signs were first used during the Three Kingdoms Period (57 B.C.-688 A.D.). During the Joseon Dynasty they were used to mark temples, palaces, Confucian academies and even ordinary residences.


The current “Gwanghwamun” sign (above) penned in Korean letters by late President Park Chung-hee and a new sign written in Chinese characters compiled from the handwriting of Joseon Dynasty King Jeongjo

source