odd use of “dialect”

I read an interesting usage of “dialect” today in a restaurant review in the Star, Malaysia’s largest English-language daily. (Emphasis added.)

It gradually dawned upon me that Oriental Cravings was a restaurant devoted to much of the older cuisines of our parents and grandparents. Further queries revealed that much of the menu was dialect-driven. Hakka, Hainanese and Hokkien are the principal inspirations. But care was taken to update the old with new ideas too….

It was a delicious culinary adventure that revealed more about dialect dishes then I ever knew existed. The blend of old and new, and the nice ambience make Oriental Cravings a restaurant that will appeal to both the old and young.

source

some of the damage of China’s language policies

from the Guardian Weekly

Forced to learn a language of failure

As China’s planners roll out a bilingual education policy across their vast country, the damage it is doing in remote minority-language-speaking communities is being overlooked, says Anwei Feng

Friday February 11, 2005

In its long history of minority education, China has engaged its 50 or so minority groups in bilingual education with an officially proclaimed aim to produce bilinguals with a strong competence in Putonghua (standard Chinese) and their home languages. The stated outcome of this policy is for minority groups to be able to communicate with, and ideally assimilate into, mainstream society.

The concept of bilingualism has, therefore, a long association with minority groups and bilingual education for these groups has undergone its course of trials, disasters and hopes reflecting the political realities of the country. To the Han majority, which comprises about 92% of the total population, bilingualism has remained a remote notion and it has hardly, if ever, appeared in their education literature.

But over the past few years this has changed drastically. Bilingualism is now widely seen by the Han majority as a useful tool for improving foreign language skills, particularly English, and for developing a workforce that combines specialised knowledge with foreign language skills.

Across the country, particularly in major cities such as Shanghai and Beijing and the special economic zones, a school system is rapidly being developed in which English as well as standard Chinese are used as the languages of instruction. From kindergartens to tertiary institutions, bilingual education has become part of the everyday vocabulary not only of educationists but also ordinary people. Catalytic factors, such as China’s firm belief in its “open-door” policy, membership of the World Trade Organisation in 2001 and the successful bid for the 2008 Olympic Games, have played a key role in promoting English and Chinese bilingualism, which looks certain to reshape China’s education system as a whole. In what looks like a natural response to the English and Chinese bilingual movement, some educators have come up with the notion of trilingualism for minority groups.This is defined as the development of talents in mastering three languages (sanyu jiantong). To these educators, as long as there is the need, learning a third language (in this case a foreign language that is not in widespread use in minority regions) should be as simple as the sum: two (minority home language and standard Chinese) plus one (a foreign language) equals three (sanyu jiantong).
Trilingualism is by no means an unusual phenomenon and proves a useful concept in some countries in Europe, Africa and Asia. However, for any trilingual programme to be effective, it is important to examine the specific context and the implications for linguistic minority children and to create necessary conditions for its implementation. That process of examination and debate does not appear to be taking place in the literature on minority education in China.

Recent reports from minority areas reveal several hidden issues that need addressing. The first is the transition children go through from early schooling in their mother tongue to learning subjects in standard Chinese later in their school careers. This transition is often reported as being unsmooth, with some children dropping out of school.

A second issue is that a large percentage of minority pupils, many of whom live in remote areas, rarely or never have a chance to study a foreign language in primary or even secondary schools, usually because of lack of resources. Elsewhere in China, learning a foreign language starts at primary school and sometimes even earlier.

And where minority students do get access to foreign language teaching they have an additional hurdle to face. In most cases, the EFL textbooks they use are standardised nationwide. These textbooks carry explanations or translations in standard Chinese. This increases considerably the difficulty of learning the foreign language because the “intermediary language” they rely on is in fact a language of which they are not native speakers. Many of them have to mentally retranslate it into their mother tongue in the learning process.

These difficulties are compounded by other factors: a shortage of qualified standard Chinese and EFL teachers; the unfavourable economic conditions that keep minority children out of classrooms to help parents in busy seasons; the struggle of those pupils with two new languages, and thus two new cultures (the Han majority culture and a distant foreign culture); and inappropriate management and policies in minority education.

As many minority children find it difficult to follow the school curriculum it becomes harder for them to gain the grades necessary to get into tertiary education. They therefore rely on the government’s “favour policies” for university places. (Regional or provincial governments seek to ensure that quotas of minority students are enrolled into tertiary institutions, often by lowering the pass level in the nationwide entrance examinations.) Once in university, these students are placed in an exam system that includes compulsory English language testing and they perform less well than their majority counterparts. Many of them have to re-sit these exams repeatedly for certification.

This in turn affects their self-esteem, confidence and overall performance. It is often reported that some minority students consider themselves inferior to others (ziren buru) and undervalue their own cultures and languages. Some take great pains to hide their ethnic identities by not wearing their ethnic clothes and by changing their accents.

Loss of sense of worth and identity as observed by many educators is contrary to the aim of bilingual education. At the heart of minority education are the notions of equity, self-confidence and empowerment that help to develop in all students a secure sense of identity and self-esteem so as to enable them to participate competently in the education process. The outcome of minority education should be academically and personally empowered individuals who acquire control over their own lives and immediate environment and who can transform from a superior-inferior mentality to collaborative relationships where their identities are affirmed.

If these aims for minority education are to be achieved in trilingual education in China, the challenges being faced by minority students need to be debated from different perspectives with a view to the unique contexts of minority groups in the country.

However, the absence of discussions about the impact of the majority concept of bilingualism (expressed in the “two plus one equals three” formula) on minority groups may well be a product of the prevailing assimilation mentality. This portrays minority languages and cultures as primitive, inferior and thus dispensable. An open discussions of these issues will help shed light on the theory of trilingualism and the assimilation mentality. It will also allow stakeholders to develop minority education programmes that empower minority children.

writing Nanjing dialect forms — anecdotes

老南京土话是“shao”,不是“sao”
2005年01月15日11:24 南京报业网

  【金陵晚报报道】本报探源南京土话的讨论继续进行中。一句简简单单、批评别人做事不规矩的“五二歹鬼”,就引出了十五六种写法,使人不得不感叹南京话的独特魅力。昨天,本报再度开通热线84636578,商讨南京话中,形容人话多、嗦的“sao”应该怎么写。没料到,市民讨论“sao”的热情更胜过 “五二歹鬼”!“sao”字许多人基本上天天都讲,可究竟怎么写,却难倒了不少人,也弄出了不少让人哭笑不得的麻烦。市民陈先生有写日记的习惯,每天都会把一天发生的种种琐事记录下来。可是每遇到“sao”字,陈先生就犯了难,只能用拼音代替。陈先生说,有时候翻翻自己的日记本,那个用拼音代替的“sao”字,就像害了牙病的人口中的蛀牙一般扎眼。后来,陈先生索性自己造了一个汉字,左边口字旁,右边是一个“绍”字,聊以代替这个“sao”字。某中学的赵同学对不知“sao”写成哪个字造成的麻烦也深有体会,平时在MSN、QQ上聊天或者给朋友发短信,遇到了要写“sao”字时,赵同学只好用别的字临时替代,可随便选个字,还真闹出过笑话:“有一次,我给一个朋友发短信,说她真嗦,写成了‘你真骚’,引起了朋友很大的误会!”“sao”是南京人常用的口头语,可是不知道是哪个字,这个问题其实早就引起了老南京们的注意,许多人对此还颇有研究。昨天下午,很多老南京一打进电话,就纠正了对“sao”的一个误读。家住城南门西地区的王桂珍女士、家住集庆门的张友清、家住升州路的吴先生等十几位老南京说,其实“sao”应该读成“shao”,而且还带个儿化音。“早些年,老南京都是这么说的,只不过发展到后来,年轻人偷懒,说话图快,又不喜欢说卷舌音,就念成了sao音。”市民顾守淮的看法则颇带有学术味道,他说, shao是江淮方言里的发音,后来南京话把它吸收过来了。之所以念成shao,主要是其意为人说话多,“饶舌”,而“饶舌”又可以说成“舌饶”,汉语拼音是(sherao),南京人讲习惯了,就把两个音合成一个音,成了“shao”。为了证明自己所说是正确的,顾守淮还举了个例子。早晚的发音是(zaowan),但在南京的方言里,为了省事,发音也演变成,南京人经常会问,“(早晚)zan天气怎样啊。”也是这个道理。那只是一种发音的省略,并不对应什么具体的字。这种现象,犹如北方话中的甭,其实是“不用”(buyong)两个字的连读一样。更多的市民则在电话中就“sao”应该写成哪个字提出了自己的看法。市民戴江群、孙文等人认为,该字应该写成“韶”,具体哪个字虽然有争议,但“韶”字最有可能。市民李志清认为应该写成“绍”,家住虎踞路的王珍珠则认为该写成“嗖”。王珍珠女士的解释颇有意思:“一般来说,都是女人话多,姑嫂、媳妇之类的人最‘sao’了,所以我想‘sao’的右半边该是 ‘嫂子’的‘嫂’的右半边,旁边是口字旁,代表是说话!”老南京们众说纷纭,“sao”究竟怎么写,还没有定论,本报今天下午3点以后继续开通热线 84636578,欢迎您来发表对“sao”的写法和来源的看法。 金陵晚报记者 于峰 实习生 杨阳

  特别提醒

  歇后语稍后推出本报这几日关于南京土话和南京歇后语的讨论征集活动异常火爆。每天下午三点开始,两部热线电话84636577、84636578就响个不停,一直到晚上。短短三天,光是歇后语,老南京们就给记者提供了数百条。由于版面有限、记者精力有限,因此本报决定先集中力量进行南京土语的讨论,老南京歇后语征集稍后进行。届时,本报将再度开通热线,敬请读者关注本报,谢谢!编者(编辑 五木)

How do you say…?

From Xinhua

大柵欄的4個公交站牌的拼音都為“DAZHALAN”,這讓許多路人納悶:不是讀“DASHILAN”嗎?

昨天,家住大柵欄、年逾七旬的張大爺說:“我讀了一輩子‘DASHILAN’,從來沒人說我讀錯,是不是站牌寫錯了?”

北京市公交總公司運營部的李女士表示,站牌的拼音是按正確的中文拼音來標注的。

到底哪個讀音是對的?北京師范大學中文系研究現代漢語的週一民教授認為:大柵欄的讀音屬於地名的特殊讀音,歷史悠久的“DASHILAN”讀法屬於保留古音。雖然目前國家還沒有專門的地名名詞規範,但播音教材中都專門談到應讀為“DASHILAN”。從保留民俗民情的角度來說,他更傾向於讀為“DASHILAN”。